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they be assured that their advances would be favorably considered."

The last clause of this paragraph refers to Chile and the Argentine Republic, whose chief export is wool, and they would enter into reciprocity treaties with the United States only upon condition that wools of the coarser grades should be admitted free into the United States or at a rate of duty considerably below the present tariff on that article.

"To escape the delay and uncertainty of treaties," the secretary suggested an amendment to the pending tariff bill authorizing the President to declare the ports of the United States free to all the products of any nation of the American hemisphere upon which no export duties are imposed, whenever and so long as such nation shall admit to its ports free of all national, provincial (state), municipal, and other taxes, our flour, corn meal, and other breadstuffs, preserved meats, fish, vegetables and fruits, cotton-seed oil, rice, and other provisions, including all articles of food, lumber, furniture and other articles of wood, agricultural implements and machinery, mining and mechanical machinery, structural steel and iron, steel rails, locomotives, railway cars and supplies, street cars, and refined petroleum. I mention these particular articles, because they have been most frequently referred to as those with which a valuable exchange could be readily effected. The list could no doubt be profitably enlarged by a careful investigation of the needs and advantages of both the home and foreign markets.

"The opinion was general among the foreign delegates that the legislation herein referred to would lead to the opening of new and profitable markets for the products of which we have so large a surplus, and thus invigorate every branch of agricultural and mechanical industry."

In conclusion the secretary of state observed, "Of course the

exchange involved in these propositions would be rendered impossible if Congress, in its wisdom, should repeal the duty on sugar by direct legislation, instead of allowing the same object to be attained by the reciprocal arrangement suggested."

The suggestions contained in the letter of the secretary of state were not entirely new to Congress, having been offered to the committee on ways and means of the House of Representatives several months previous. The foreign delegates to the International American Conference had been observing with the greatest solicitude the progress of that committee in the preparation of what is popularly known as the "McKinley tariff bill." The voluminous and conflicting reports in the newspapers of what had been, or would be done with the tariff schedules in which were included the staple products and chief exports of the countries from which they came, afforded a topic of daily conversation more interesting and important than the questions under consideration in their own councils.

A protracted discussion in Congress finally resulted in what is known as the "reciprocity section" of the tariff bill, by which, although sugar, coffee, tea, and hides were included in the free list, the President was required after January 1, 1892, to impose a tax on those commodities when imported from countries whose tariff regulations "were reciprocally unequal and unreasonable"; or in other words, the United States proposed to favor those nations and those only that would grant something like equivalent favors in return.

Immediately upon the passage of this measure, diplomatic negotiations that had been interrupted by the tariff agitation in Congress were resumed. It may be said that such negotiations with special plenipotentiaries from the emperor of Brazil had been commenced as early as August, 1889, and that upon the establishment of the republic, they were immediately

renewed. It was not so long, therefore, before an arrangement was concluded under which the Brazilian government authorized the admission into its ports, free of all duties, of the products of the farms and mines of the United States, all forms of machinery and railway supplies, agricultural implements, labor-saving machinery, and a considerable number of other articles, and the admission of a long list of other manufactured articles including wearing apparel, hardware, preserved meats, fruits and vegetables, lard, dairy products, lumber, furniture, wagons and carriages, at a rate of duty twenty-five per cent less than was imposed upon similar merchandise imported from other countries.

During the following months similar arrangements were entered into by Mr. John W. Foster, representing the United States, with the government of Spain, representing her American colonies, Cuba and Puerto Rico, and the ministers plenipotentiary of Mexico, Guatemala, Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru, and with the British minister representing the British colonies of Jamaica, Trinidad, British Guiana, Barbadoes, the Leeward Islands, and the Windward Islands.

It is too early clearly to demonstrate the results of the "reciprocity" policy, and the whole question is so closely connected with current partisan politics that it cannot appropriately be discussed in a book of this character. It is safe to say that the people as a whole heartily desire closer relations with the republics of South America, and unqualifyingly approve many of the plans that have been carried out. All favor" reciprocity" in so far as it means an increased demand for American products and manufactures. Those who have been the means of putting reciprocity to the test are confident of its great success and already point to statistics in support of their position. Certain it is that the people of the

United States are interested in the southern continent as never before. The political opponents of those who advocate the present "reciprocity policy," acknowledge the soundness of the general theory as far as it goes, but maintain that if a lowering or abolition of the tariff in the cases of certain countries is beneficial, the extension of reciprocal relations to all nations without distinction would be still better. The experience of the future must be the arbitrator in this as in many other questions.

CHAPTER VI.

GENERAL RELATIONS WITH THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

THE independence of the Spanish American colonies was not recognized by the United States until 1822. As early as 1816 agents from Venezuela, Chile, Colombia, and the La Plata Provinces-now known as the Argentine Republic-arrived in this country, seeking the recognition of the several revolutionary organizations they represented, but their credentials were irregular and the President declined to receive them officially. Distrustful of the representations of these agents, but at the same time desirous of giving all lawful encouragement to the colonies that were struggling to attain their independence, the government sent a commission to inquire into their condition and to report upon the propriety of acknowledging the belligerent rights of the revolutionary parties. The reports were not encouraging. They declared that there was organized resistance to the Spanish authority, but no complete or regular government anywhere.

Not discouraged by the inquiries of the first commission, the government dispatched a second in 1820 to Chile and Buenos Aires, which were represented to have made the most substantial advance toward emancipation and constitutional government. Commodore Perry and Commodore Morris of the navy were also sent with fleets to both coasts of South America to keep the government posted as to the condition of

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