The proslavery party had a majority in the Senate committee on foreign relations, and Mr. Mason of Virginia, the chairman, made a report dated January 16, 1826, recommending that the Senate disapprove the action of President Adams in accepting the invitation to participate in the Panama Congress, and refuse to confirm the nominations of delegates he had selected.

This report covers about thirty printed pages of the usual size, and ends by recommending the passage of the following resolution :

"Resolved, That it is not expedient at this time for the United States to send any ministers to the Congress of American nations assembled at Panama."

The committee took the ground that the measure was new and untried" and "in conflict with the whole course of policy uniformly and happily pursued by the United States from almost the very creation of this government to the present hour." And then, after discoursing at length on the "undefined objects of this Congress, so imperfectly disclosed in the vague descriptions given of them," disposes of the subject of slavery and slave trade in the following words:

"Some of the sovereign states here represented (the states of the Union) were the first in the world to proclaim their abhorrence of this traffic (the slave trade). The United States, however, have not certainly the right, and ought never to feel the inclination, to dictate to others who may differ from them on this subject; nor do the committee see the expediency of insulting other states, with whom we are maintaining relations of perfect amity, by ascending the moral chair and proclaiming from thence mere abstract principles, of the rectitude of which each nation enjoys the perfect right of deciding for itself."

In regard to Cuba and Puerto Rico, the report said: "The

committee are well aware that the United States can never regard with indifference the situation and probable destiny of the neighboring Spanish islands of Cuba and Puerto Rico; but so far from believing it expedient to discuss these subjects at a Congress of all the American states, and especially at this time, the committee consider the great probability that such a discussion might be forced upon the United States if they are there represented, furnishing in itself the strongest objections to the adoption of the measures proposed. . . The very situation of Puerto Rico furnishes the strongest inducement to the United States not to take a place at the contemplated Congress, since by so doing they must be considered as changing the attitude in which they have hitherto stood as impartial spectators of the passing scenes, and identifying themselves with the new republics."

In regard to the promotion of commerce, the committee said: "In considering these reasons (for the promotion of trade between the American nations) it cannot escape the observation of any, that in manifesting a disposition to establish such commercial relations, the Southern American nations must have been actuated by the only motive that ever operates either upon nations or individuals in regard to their mere commercial intercourse, ‚—a desire fairly to advance their own interests and a belief that they could by such means properly accomplish that end. The interests of commerce are necessarily peculiar they grow out of numerous circumstances produced by locality, population, manners, times, and other causes, not one of which exists alike in any two nations on the globe. Few general principles, therefore, can ever apply with equal truth to so many peculiarities, and such as do apply need not the sanction of solemn compact to give them effect. It may be very safely confided to the natural disposition of man, promptly to discover, and eagerly to advance, his own best interests."

...

It must be said, however, that the plan of General Bolivar was received with greater favor in England than in the United States. This was due largely to the fact that her com

mercial interests, which are always most influential in the foreign policy of Great Britain, were then endeavoring to secure the monopoly of the markets of the Spanish American nations that has since been SO firmly held, and, although not formally invited to do so, Great Britain sent a delegate to the Panama Congress, to witness and report upon the proceed

ings, if not to participate in

them. The same course was taken by the government of the Netherlands.

In his plan for the Congress, and in his instructions to the delegates from Peru, of which republic he was then president, General Bolivar defined at great length his purpose in calling it together and the results he desired it to accomplish. He proposed (1) a compact of union for defense against Spain, and all other European powers upon the American hemisphere. (2) A declaration of the policy to be pursued by the American republics in their relations with the other powers of the world, "friendship for all and strict neutrality." (3) The independence of Cuba and Puerto Rico; and "if the Congress, sensible to the true interests of the countries represented in it, believes it advisable to free those islands, you should enter into a treaty setting forth in detail what forces of land and sea and

what sum of money each state of America shall contribute for that important operation." (4) He proposed a uniform system of treaties of friendship, navigation, and commerce, and defining the powers and prerogatives of diplomatic and consular offices. (5) "Such an energetic and efficient declaration as that made by the President of the United States in regard to further European colonization on this continent, and in opposition to the principles of intervention in our domestic affairs." (6) A plan for the settlement of disputes between the American nations. (7) Some declaration as to the relations to be established with Hayti and Santo Domingo, "which have emancipated themselves from their mother country, but have not succeeded in obtaining recognition by any power, whether European or American." (8) The permanent definition of the boundaries between the new American republics. (9) The inauguration of "such measures as shall be deemed most efficient for the suppression of the slave trade in America."

There were several other items of lesser importance in the great scheme of Bolivar, but these serve to show his purpose, and the object for which the conference was called. But the results did not meet his expectations, nor did the action of the Congress receive his approval. The proceedings were shortened and the adjournment hastened by an epidemic of yellow fever. which broke out at Panama, and one of the delegates from the United States died of that dreaded disease on his journey homeward. The delegates to the conference lacked wisdom and experience. They failed to appreciate both the sublime purpose which had inspired Bolivar in planning the assembly, and the importance of the work in which they were engaged, and nearly all of them having recently been participants in the struggle for independence, the ruling idea in their minds was to form an alliance for mutual and united resistance to any attempt that might be made by Spain to recover her lost

provinces in America. They agreed upon a plan for a league or permanent union of the new republics, for the purpose of defense only, but it was cumbersome and complicated in its details. This league they proposed to have represented by an international assembly to meet biennially. They also provided for a permanent army of defense to which each republic should contribute its quota of men, and which should be directed and controlled by a central organization, subject to the approval of the international assembly.

The most important topics the Congress was called to consider were deferred to another meeting which was appointed for the next year at the picturesque town of Tacubaya, three miles from the city of Mexico. But that meeting never took place, nor did the proposed international legislature ever assemble. Only one government, that of Colombia, ratified

the action of the Congress, and the plan for an American union was temporarily postponed. But the ideas and the motives of Bolivar were immortal,

and the failure of the Congress at Panama did not. cause them to be abandoned. Subse

quent efforts in the

same direction were

Tehuantepec periodically re

newed and the