It was long before any publick account of this discovery at Madras had arrived in England, that the present minister and his board of controul thought fit to determine on the debt of 1777. The recorded proceedings at this time knew nothing of any debt to Benfield. There was his own testimony, there was the testimony of the list, there was the testimony of the nabob of Arcot, against it. Yet such was the ministers' feeling of the true state of this transaction, that they thought proper, in the teeth of all these testimonies, to give him licence to return to Madras. Here the ministers were under some embarrassment. Confounded between their resolution of rewarding the good services of Benfield's friends and associates in England, and the shame of sending that notorious incendiary to the court of the nabob of Arcot, to renew his intrigues against the British government, at the time they authorize his return, they forbid him, under the severest penalties, from any conversation with the nabob or his ministers; that is, they forbid his ccmmunication with the very person on account of his dealings with whom they permit his return to that city. To overtop this contradiction, there is not a word restraining him from the freest intercourse with the nabob's second son, the real author of all that is done in the nabob's name; who, in conjunction with this very Benfield, has acquired an absolute dominion over that unhappy man, is able to persuade him to put his signature to whatever paper they please, and often without any communication of the contents. This management was detailed to them at full length by Lord Macartney, and they cannot pretend ignorance of it.* I believe, after this exposure of facts, no man can entertain a doubt of the collusion of ministers with the corrupt interest of the delinquents in India. Whenever those in authority provide for the interest of any person, on the real but concealed state of his affairs, without regard to his avowed, publick, and ostensible pretences, it must be presumed that they are in confederacy with him, because they act for him on the same fraudulent principles on which he acts for himself. It is plain, that the ministers were fully apprized of Benfield's real situation, which he had used means to conceal, whilst concealment answered his purposes. They were, or the person on whom they relied was, of the cabinet council of Benfield, in the very depth of all his mysteries. An honest magistrate compels men to abide by one story. An equitable judge would not hear of the claim of a man who had himself thought proper to renounce it. With such a judge his shuffling and prevarication would have damned his claims; such a judge never would have known, but in order to animadvert upon proceedings of that character. I have thus laid before you, Mr. Speaker, I think with sufficient clearness, the connexion of the ministers with Mr. Atkinson at the general Appendix, No. 6. ter. election; I have laid open to you the connexion of Atkinson with Benfield; I have shewn Benfield's employment of his wealth, in creating a parliamentary interest, to procure a ministerial protection; I have set before your eyes his large concern in the debt, his practices to hide that concern from the publick eye, and the liberal protection which he has received from the minisIf this chain of circumstances does not lead you necessarily to conclude that the minister has paid to the avarice of Benfield the services done by Benfield's connexions to his ambition, I do not know any thing short of the confession of the party that can persuade you of his guilt. Chodestine and collusive practice can only be traced by combination and comparison of circumstances. T reject such combination and comparison is to reject the only means of detecting fraud; it is indeed to giv it a patent and free licence to cheat with impunity I confine myself to the connexion of ministers, mediately or immediately, with only two persons concerned in this debt. How many others, wi support their power and greatness within and without doors, are concerned originally, or be transfers of these debts, must be left to general opinion. I refer to the reports of the se' committee for the proceedings of some of t agents in these affairs, and their attempts, at least, to furnish ministers with the means of buying neral courts, and even whole parliaments in t gross.+ I know that the ministers will think it little le than acquittal, that they are not charged w having taken to themselves some part of the money of which they have made so liberal a deca tion to their partisans, though the charge may be indisputably fixed upon the corruption of t politicks. For my part, I follow their crimes that point to which legal presumptions and natura indications lead me, without considering w species of evil motive tends most to aggravate to extenuate the guilt of their conduct. But am to speak my private sentiments, I think th in a thousand cases for one it would be far mischievous to the publick, and full as little honourable to themselves, to be polluted w direct bribery, than thus to become a stand auxiliary to the oppression, usury, and pecula!of multitudes, in order to obtain a corrupt supp to their power. It is by bribing, not so often being bribed, that wicked politicians bring on mankind. Avarice is a rival to the pursuits many. It finds a multitude of checks, and ma opposers, in every walk of life. But the obje of ambition are for the few; and every pers who aims at indirect profit, and therefore w other protection than innocence and law, instead of its rival becomes its instrument. There natural allegiance and fealty due to this domare ?ing, paramount evil, from all the vassal vacs which acknowledge its superiority, and n militate under its banners; and it is under discipline alone that avarice is able to spread ↑ Second Report of Select (General Smith's) Comar Fare 1 . any struggle, are pushed back upon themselves, and, by a reversal of their whole functions, fester to gangrene, to death; and, instead of what was but just now the delight and boast of the creation, there will be cast out in the face of the sun, a bloated, putrid, noisome carcass, full of stench and poison, an offence, a horrour, a lesson to the world. considerable extent, or to render itself a general, publick mischief. It is therefore no apology for ministers, that they have not been bought by the East-India delinquents, but that they have only formed an alliance with them for screening each other from justice, according to the exigence of their several necessities. That they have done so is evident; and the junction of the power of office in England with the abuse of In my opinion, we ought not to wait for the authority in the East, has not only prevented even fruitless instruction of calamity to enquire into the the appearance of redress to the grievances of abuses which bring upon us ruin in the worst of India, but I wish it may not be found to have its forms, in the loss of our fame and virtue. But dulled, if not extinguished, the honour, the can- the right honourable gentleman says, in answer dour, the generosity, the good nature, which used to all the powerful arguments of my honourable formerly to characterize the people of England. friend-" that this enquiry is of a delicate nature, I confess, I wish that some more feeling than I" and that the state will suffer detriment by the have yet observed for the sufferings of our fellowCreatures and fellow-subjects in that oppressed part of the world, had manifested itself in any one quarter of the kingdom, or in any one large description of men. That these oppressions exist, is a fact no more denied, than it is resented as it ought to be. Much evil has been done in India under the Briish authority. What has been done to redress it? We are no longer surprised at any thing. We re above the unlearned and vulgar passion of idmiration. But it will astonish posterity, when hey read our opinions in our actions, that after ears of enquiry, we have found out that the sole rievance of India consisted in this, that the serants of the company there had not profited nough of their opportunities, nor drained it suficiently of its treasures; when they shall hear hat the very first and only important act of a ommission specially named by act of parliament 3 to charge upon an undone country, in favour of handful of men in the humblest ranks of the ublick service, the enormous sum of perhaps four nillions of sterling money. It is difficult for the most wise and upright goernment to correct the abuses of remote, deleated power, productive of unmeasured wealth, nd protected by the boldness and strength of the ame ill-got riches. These abuses, full of their wn wild native vigour, will grow and flourish nder mere neglect. But where the supreme uthority, not content with winking at the rapaity of its inferiour instruments, is so shameless nd corrupt as openly to give bounties and preiums for disobedience to its laws, when it will ot trust to the activity of avarice in the pursuit f its own gains, when it secures public robbery y all the careful jealousy and attention with hich it ought to protect property from such olence, the commonwealth then is become tolly perverted from its purposes; neither God or man will long endure it; nor will it long dure itself. In that case, there is an unnatural fection, a pestilential taint fermenting in the nstitution of society, which fever and convulons of some kind or other must throw off; or in ich the vital powers, worsted in an unequal • Mr. Dundas. 66 exposure of this transaction." But it is exposed; it is perfectly known in every member, in every particle, and in every way, except that which may lead to a remedy. He knows that the papers of correspondence are printed, and that they are in every hand. He and delicacy are a rare and a singular coalition. He thinks that to divulge our Indian politicks, may be highly dangerous. He! the mover! the chairman ! the reporter of the committee of secrecy! he that brought forth in the utmost detail, in several vast, printed folios, the most recondite parts of the politicks, the military, the revenues of the British empire in India! With six great chopping bastards,† each as lusty as an infant Hercules, this delicate creature blushes at the sight of his new bridegroom, assumes a virgin delicacy; or, to use a more fit, as well as a more poetick, comparison, the person so squeamish, so timid, so trembling lest the winds of heaven should visit too roughly, is expanded to broad sunshine, exposed like the sow of imperial augury, lying in the mud with all the prodigies of her fertility about her, as evidence of her delicate amoursTriginta capitum fœtus enixa jacebat, alba solo recubans albi circum ubera nati. Whilst discovery of the misgovernment of others led to his own power, it was wise to enquire; it was safe to publish there was then no delicacy; there was then no danger. But when his object is obtained, and in his imitation he has outdone the crimes that he had reprobated in volumes of reports, and in sheets of bills of pains and penalties, then concealment becomes prudence; and it concerns the safety of the state, that we should not know in a mode of parliamentary cognizance, what all the world knows but too well, that is, in what manner he chooses to dispose of the publick revenues to the creatures of his politicks. The debate has been long, and as much so on my part, at least, as on the part of those who have spoken before me. But long as it is, the more material half of the subject has hardly been touched on; that is, the corrupt and destructive system to which this debt has been rendered subservient, and which seems to be pursued with at least as much vigour and regularity as ever. If I considered ↑ Six Reports of the Committee of Secrecy. | only to examine into the conduct of those who have no conduct to account for. Unfortunately the basis of this new government has been laid on old, condemned delinquents, and its superstructure is raised out of persecutors turned into protectors. The event has been such as might be expected. But if it had been otherwise constituted, had it been constituted even as I wished, and as the mover of this question had planned, the better part of the proposed establishment was in the publicity of its proceedings: in its perpetual responsibility to parliament. Without this check, what is our European government at home, even awed, as every European government is, by an audience formed of the othe states of Europe, by the applause or condemnation of the discerning and critical company befor which it acts? But if the scene on the other side c the globe, which tempts, invites, almost compe to tyranny and rapine, be not inspected with the eye of a severe and unremitting vigilance, shar and destruction must ensue. For one, the work event of this day, though it may deject, shall ra break or subdue me. The call upon us is authortative. Let who will shrink back, I shall be foun at my post. Baffled, discountenanced, subdued, your ease or my own, rather than the weight and importance of this question, I ought to make some apology to you, perhaps some apology to myself, for having detained your attention so long. I know on what ground I tread. This subject, at one time taken up with so much fervour and zeal, is no longer a favourite in this house. The house itself has undergone a great and signal revolution. To some the subject is strange and uncouth, to several harsh and distasteful, to the reliques of the last parliament it is a matter of fear and apprehension. It is natural for those who have seen their friends sink in the tornado which raged during the late shift of the monsoon, and have hardly escaped on the planks of the general wreck, it is but too natural for them, as soon as they make the rocks and quicksands of their former disasters, to put about their new-built barks, and, as much as possible, to keep aloof from this perilous lee shore. But let us do what we please to put India from our thoughts, we can do nothing to separate it from our publick interest and our national reputation. Our attempts to banish this importunate duty will only make it return upon us again and again, and every time in a shape more unpleasant than the former. A government has been fabri-discredited, as the cause of justice and humanity's. cated for that great province; the right honourable gentleman says, that therefore you ought not to examine into its conduct. Heavens! what an argument is this! We are not to examine into the conduct of the direction, because it is an old government: we are not to examine into this board of controul, because it is a new one. Then we are it will be only the dearer to me. Whoever therefore shall at any time bring before you any thing towards the relief of our distressed fellow-citizens in India, and towards a subversion of the prese most corrupt and oppressive system for its gove ment, in me shall find a weak, I am afraid, but steady, earnest, and faithful assistant. Referred to from p. 319. Appointing Commissioners to enquire into the fees, gratuities, perquisites, emoluments, which are, or have been lately, received in the several publick offices therein mentioned; to examine into any abuses which may exist in the same, &c. AND be it further enacted, that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said commissioners, or any two of them, and they are hereby impowered, authorized, and required, to examine upon ath (which oath they, or any two of them, are hereby authorized to administer) the several persons, of all descriptions, belonging to any of the offices or departments before mentioned, and all other persons whom the said commissioners, or iny two of them, shall think fit to examine, ouching the business of each office or department, and the fees, gratuities, perquisites, and emoluments taken therein, and touching all other maters and things necessary for the execution of the powers vested in the said commissioners by this ict; all which persons are hereby required and directed punctually to attend the said commissioners, at such time and place as they, or any two of them, shall appoint, and also to observe and recute such orders and directions as the said commissioners, or any two of them, shall make or ive for the purposes before mentioned. And be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, at the said commissioners, or any two of them, hall be, and are, hereby impowered to examine to any corrupt and fraudulent practices, or other sconduct, committed by any person or persons oncerned in the management of any of the offices departments hereinbefore mentioned; and, for e better execution of this present act, the said ommissioners, or any two of them, are hereby auorized to meet and sit, from time to time, in ich place or places as they shall find most conenient, with or without adjournment, and to nd their precept or precepts, under their hands d seals, for any person or persons whatsoever, d for such books, papers, writings, or records, as they shall judge necessary for their information, relating to any of the offices or departments hereinbefore mentioned; and all bailiffs, constables, sheriffs, and other his majesty's of|ficers, are hereby required to obey and execute such orders and precepts aforesaid, as shall be sent to them or any of them by the said commissioners, or any two of them, touching the premises. No. II. Referred to from p. 320. NABOB OF ARCOT'S DEBTS. MR. GEORGE SMITH being asked, Whether the debts of the nabob of Arcot have encreased since he knew Madras? he said, Yes, they have. He distinguishes his debts into two sorts; those contracted before the year 1766, and those contracted from that year to the year in which he left Madras.-Being asked, What he thinks is the original amount of the old debts? he said, Between twenty-three and twenty-four lacks of pagodas, as well as he can recollect.-Being asked, What was the amount of that debt when he left Madras? he said, Between four and five lacks of pagodas, as he understood.-Being asked, What was the amount of the new debt when he left Madras? he said, In November, 1777, that debt amounted, according to the nabob's own account, and published at Chipauk, his place of residence, to sixty lacks of pagodas, independent of the old debt, on which debt of sixty lacks of pagodas, the nabob did agree to pay an interest of 12 per cent. per annum.-Being asked, Whether this debt was approved of by the court of directors? he said, He does not know it was.-Being asked, Whether the old debt was recognized by the court of directors? he said, Yes, it has been: and the court of directors have sent out repeated orders to the president and council of Madras, to enforce its recovery and payment.-Being asked, If the interest upon the new debt is punctually paid? he said, It was not during his residence at Madras, from 1777 to 1779, in which period he thinks no more than 5 per cent. interest was paid, in different dividends of 2 and 1 per cent.-Being asked, What is the usual course taken by the nabob concerning the arrears of interest? he said, Not having ever lent him monies himself, he cannot fully answer as to the mode of settling the interest with him. Being asked, Whether he has reason to believe the sixty lacks of pagodas was all principal money really and truly advanced to the nabob of Arcot, or a fictitious capital, made up of obligations given by him, where no money or goods were received, or which was encreased by the uniting into it a greater interest than the 12 per cent. expressed to be due on the capital? he said, He has no reason to believe that the sum of sixty lacks of pagodas was lent in money or goods to the nabob, because that sum he thinks is of more value than all the money, goods, and chattels in the settlement; but he does not know in what mode or manner this debt of the nabob's was incurred or accumulated. -Being asked, Whether it was not a general and well-grounded opinion at Madras, that a great part of this sum was accumulated by obligations, and was for services performed or to be performed for the nabob? he said, He has heard that a part of this debt was given for the purposes mentioned in the above question, but he does not know that it was so.-Being asked, Whether it was the general opinion of the settlement? he said, He cannot say that it was the general opinion, but it was the opinion of a considerable part of the settlement.-Being asked, Whether it was the declared opinion of those that were concerned in the debt, or those that were not? he said, It was the opinion of both parties, at least such of them as he conversed with.-Being asked, Whether he has reason to believe that the interest really paid by the nabob, upon obligations given, or money lent, did not frequently exceed 12 per cent? he said, Prior to the first of August, 1774, he had had reason to believe, that a higher interest than 12 per cent. was paid by the nabob on monies lent to him; but from and after that period, when the last act of parliament took place in India, he does not know that more than 12 per cent. had been paid by the nabob, or received from him.-Being asked, Whether it is not his opinion, that the nabob has paid more than 12 per cent. for money due since the 1st of August 1774 ? he said, He has heard that he has, but he does not know it.Being asked, Whether he has been told so by any considerable and weighty authority, that was likely to know; he said, He has been so informed by persons who he believes had a very good opportunity of knowing it.-Being asked, Whether he was ever told so by the nabob of Arcot himself? he said, He does not recollect that the nabob of Arcot directly told him so, but, from what he said, he did infer that he paid a higher interest than 12 per cent. Mr. Smith being asked, Whether, in the course of trade, he ever sold any thing to the nabob of Arcot? he said, In the year 1775 he did sell to the nabob of Arcot pearls to the amount of 32,500 pagodas, for which the nabob gave him an order or tankah on the country of Tanjore, payable in six months, without interest.-Being asked, Whether, at the time he asked the nabob his price for the pearls, the nabob beat down that price, as dealers commonly do? he said, No; so far from it, he offered him more than he asked by 1,003 pagodas, and which he rejected. Being asked, Whether in settling a transaction of discount with the nabob's agent, he was not offered a greater discount than 121. per cent.? he said, In discounting a soucar's bill for 180,000 pagodas, the nabob's agent did offer him a discount of 24 per cent. per annum, saying, that it was the usual rate of discount paid by the nabob; but which he would not accept of, thinking himself confined by the act of parliament limiting the interest of monies to 12 per cent. and accordingly he discounted the bill at 12 per cent. per annum only.-Being asked, Whether he does not think those offers were made him, because the nabob thought he was a persoa of some consequence in the settlement? he said. Being only a private merchant, be apprehend that the offer was made to him more from s being a general practice, than from any opini of his importance. No. III. Referred to from p. 325. A BILL for the better government of the territ rial possessions and dependencies in India. [One of Mr. Fox's India Bills.] AND be it further enacted by the author aforesaid, that the nabob of Arcot, the rajah Tanjore, or any other native protected prince India, shall not assign, mortgage, or pledge any territory or land whatsoever, or the produce x revenue thereof, to any British subject whatsoever neither shall it be lawful to and for any British st ject whatsoever to take or receive any such assig ment, mortgage, or pledge; and the same a hereby declared to be null and void; and all Pu ments or deliveries of produce or revenue, u any such assignment, shall and may be recovered back by such native prince paying or deliver the same, from the person or persons receiving t same, or his or their representatives. |