he had asserted, even against his right honorable friend's superior eloquence, and maintain, that the rights of man, which his right honorable friend had ridiculed as chimerical and visionary, were in fact the basis and foundation of every rational constitution, and even of the British constitution itself, as our statute book proved; since, if he knew any thing of the original compact between the people of England and its government, as stated in that volume, it was a recognition of the original inherent rights of the people as, men, which no prescription could supersede, no accident remove or obliterate. If such were principles dangerous to the constitution, they were the principles of his right honorable friend, from whom he had learnt them. During the American war they had together rejoiced at the successes of a WASHINGTON, and sympathized almost in tears for the fall of a MONTGOMERY. From his right honorable friend he had learned that the revolt of a whole people could never be countenanced, and encouraged, but must have been provoked. Such had at that time been the doctrine of his right honorable friend, who had said with equal energy, and emphasis, "that he could not draw a bill of indictment against a whole people."

"Mr. Fox declared he was sorry to find that his right honorable friend had since learned to draw such a bill of indictment, and to crowd it with all the technical epithets which disgraced our statute book, of false, malicious, wicked, by the instigation of the devil, not having the fear of God before your eyes, &c. Having been taught by his right honorable friend that no revolt of a nation was caused without provocation, he could not help feeling a joy ever since the constitution of France became founded on the rights of man, on which the British constitution itself was founded. To deny it, was neither

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neither more or less than to libel the British constitu tion; and no book his right honorable friend could cite, no words he might deliver in debate, however ingenious, eloquent, and able, as all his writings and all his speeches undoubtedly were, could induce him to change or abandon that opinion: he differed upon that subject with his right honorable friend toto cœla."

Having proceeded thus far, Mr. Fox declared" he had said more than he intended, possibly much more than was either wise or proper; but it was a common error arising from his earnestness to be clearly understood; but if his sentiments could serve the other side of the House, which had countenanced the discussion of that day, apparently in order to get at them, they had acted unnecessarily. They might be sure of him and his fentiments on every subject, without forcing on any thing like a difference between him and his right honorable friend, and having once heard them, they might act upon them as they thought proper."

Mr. BURKE said, that "though he had been called to order so many times, he had sat with perfect composure, and had heard the most disorderly speech that perhaps ever was delivered in that House. He had not pursued the conduct of which an example had been set to him, but had heard, without the least interruption, that speech out to the end, irregular and disorderly as it had been; his words and his conduct throughout had been misrepresented, and a personal attack had been made upon him from a quarter he never could have expected, after a friendship and an intimacy of more than twentytwo years; and not only his public conduct, words, and writings, had been alluded to in the severest terms, but confidential conversations and private opinions had been brought forward, with a view of proving he acted inconsistently

sistently; and now a motion was introduced, which hindered him, in a great measure, from having an opportunity to ascertain, by facts, what he had stated as opinions. He could not help thinking, that, on the subject of the French Revolution, he had met with great unfairness from the right honorable gentleman, who had said as much as that he had acted and spoken rashly, without information, and unsupported by facts to bear out his deductions; and this had been treated in a manner that did little justice to his feelings, and had little appearance of decency on the part of the right honorable gentleman. However, when, and as often as this subject came to be discussed fairly, and facts that he was possessed of allowed to be brought forward, he was ready to meet the right honorable gentleman hand to hand, and foot to foot upon it. Much was said against proceeding without good information. He was ready to state his proofs for all the facts he had alledged, to which public proof was at all applicable; that, indeed, there were a few particulars on which he did not chuse to take issue; because, in the present state of things in the happy country of France, he might subject his relators to the fashionable summary justice of the lanterne. Under a very few reserves of that kind, he was ready to enter into the discussion concerning the facts in that' book, whenever he pleased. He might possibly fall into minute and trivial mistakes, but he was sure he was substantially right in every substantial matter of fact. To the few matters on which he must decline offering proof, he pledged himself, upon his honor, that he had sufficient to satisfy a sober and considerate judgment. But this, it seemed, was not the cause of quarrel; it was not because this authority, or that example, was mentioned, but he was accused of misrepresenting what

the right honorable gentleman had said on a former day, when he owned he was not present, and which he dis◄ avowed in the most positive terms. He denied any reference to that, or any other speech of the right honorable gentleman, and contended that he had argued on this, as he wished to do on every other occasion, in a candid, plain, and simple manner.

"With regard to the subject which he meant to introduce into the committee on the Quebec bill, the right honorable gentleman was no stranger to the grounds he meant to go upon. He opened to him very particularly the plan of his speech; how far he meant to go; and what limits he proposed to put upon himself. His reasons for forming those opinions he had mentioned in the fullest and most particular manner to him, at his own house, and walked from thence to that House with him, conversing all the time on that subject. The right honorable gentleman had then entirely disagreed with him upon it, but they had no quarrel upon it, and what the right honorable gentleman had said upon the subject, he did not now wish to state. He could not, however, be persuaded, from what the right honorable gentleman said, to give up his purpose of stating to the House, upon this occasion, his mind with regard to the French constitution, and the facts which led him to think as he did; and certainly in this he thought there could be nothing disorderly, especially when so much had already been introduced, not about the constitution of Quebec, but about the American constitution. He had asserted that dangerous doctrines were encouraged in this country, and that dreadful consequences might ensue from them, which it was his sole wish and ambition to avert, by strenuously supporting the constitution of Great Britain as it is, which, in his mind, could better be done by preventing impending

impending danger, than by any remedy that could afterwards be applied; and he thought himself justified in saying this, because he did know that there were people in this country avowedly endeavouring to disorder its constitution and government, and that in a very bold manner. The practice now was, upon all occasions, to praise in the highest strain, the French constitution : some, indeed, qualified their argument so far, by praising only the French Revolution; but in that he could see no difference, as the French constitution, if they had any, was the consequence and effect of that Revolution. So fond were gentlemen of this favorite topic, that whoever disapproved of the anarchy and confusion that had taken place in France, or could not foresee the benefits. that were to arise out of it, were stigmatised as enemies to liberty, and to the British constitution, charges that were false, unfounded, misapplied, and every way unfair. Doctrines of this kind, he thought, were extremely dangerous at all times, and much more so, if they were to be sanctioned by so great a name as that of the right honorable gentleman, who always put whatever he said. in the strongest and most forcible view that it could appear in. Thus it had become common to set the French constitution, up against the English constitution, upon all occasions, when the comparison could be introduced; and then he insisted, if the former was praised, the latter must be proportionably depreciated. Here again he reverted to what he had been told had passed on a former day, when he said the right honorable gentle. man had taken fire when the French constitution was mentioned, and had termed it the most glorious and stupendous fabric that ever was reared by human wisdom. "He ftill insisted, that the discussion of the Quebec bill was a proper opportunity, after what had been said,

for