LITERARY WORLD. No. 683.-VOL. XXVI. Choice Readings from the Best New Books, and Critical Reviews. NOTICE TO OUR READERS. LONDON, DECEMBER 1, 1882. We beg to announce that we intend to issue Next Week another DOUBLE NUMBER of the LITERARY WORLD, containing Thirty-two Pages. It will be specially devoted to BOOKS OF THE SEASON. THE OXFORD SCHOOL OF HISTORY.* into a [PRICE ONE PENNY.] with a Patristic revival a half century ago, has produced a critical school in philosophy and history which even Germany must regard with respect, and in some cases even learn a lesson from. prominent, all point to the same con- ONE of the strangest revenges of time is the rise of a school of history in Oxford. The genius loci was against it, and the dogmatic bent of the new movement in theology was decidedly opposed to that critical spirit, without which history never can rise above the level of a dull chronicle. But, strange as it may seem, the critical spirit has gained ground on the dogmatic, and, indeed, with few exceptions, has left it behind. Oxford, in a word, has aimed at one line of thought, but succeeded in another and a different. It is as if, like Saul setting out to seek his father's asses, it had alighted on a kingdom. We may be excused the comparison when we consider the contrast between the young Oxford of Mozley's Reminiscences with the young Oxford of our day. Fifty years ago there were dreams in Oxford of a theological revival of authority. Ecclesiasticism struck its roots downward, and soon a shoot of æstheticism grew upward, but soon-only too soon-it was seen that the root was dead and the flower withered. Ritualism, as it has been called, like a bramble rose, may flourish in country parsonages here and there. But in Oxford, strange as it may seem, it has not found the kindly soil which it expected. The critical spirit of the age has been too much for it, and men at Oxford, as elsewhere, in proportion as they are educated, have refused to take blindfold their religion on antiquarian grounds. But, instead of this Anglican revival, so much desired by some, so dreaded by others, there has sprung up at Oxford a critical school, which, in philosophy as in history, has pushed its researches fearlessly on in the teeth of dogmatic teaching. We have only to name two or three heads of houses to point to the leading spirits of the call them, are may At Christ Church, Oxford of our day. Dean Liddell, and at Balliol Dr. Jowett, Mr. Patteson at Lincoln, and Dr. Perceval at Trinity, not to name others equally • A History of the Papacy During the Period of the Reformation. By M. Creighton, M.A., late Fellow of Merton College, Oxford. In Two Vols. London: Longmans. 1882. 325 macy was once essential, and the other that it is no longer so. Around these two points of controversy the battle of the Reformation still rages, and no writer is competent to handle the subject of the Papacy during the Reformation period, who is unable to look at the subject in this white light of the critical temper. Ranke, in his history of the Reformation and the Counter Reformation, as we may call the revival of the Papacy under the early Jesuits, has handled the subject in a calm and judicial spirit. He creates the impression that secular and religious history are only two sides of the same movement, and this is a point of view which Church historians seldom attain to. To understand the Reformation, for instance, in Germany, and the Counter Reformation of Italy and Spain, it is essential that the historian should take in the whole train of causes which led to that disruption between North and South Europe. It was a war quite as much of races as of religions. Church historians may use such phrases as schism. They may either justify the parting of Christ's garments, or blame the rending of His seamless robe, according as they approve or disapprove of the movement. But a truer perspective should teach us that there were many forces in operation to produce such an upheaval as this. It is only the student who has traced the growth of the Roman supremacy through its ten stages, extending over as many centuries, that is competent to deal with the causes of its overthrow. If it is true that Rome was not built in a day, it is equally certain that its overthrow was the result of as many forces operating from many different quarters. last visit to Hus. John of Chlum manfully adof the sturdy moral spirit which Hus had awakened in his followers: "We are laymen and cannot advise you; consider, however, and if you feel that you are guilty in any of in recanting. If, however, you do not feel the matters laid to your charge, have no shame yourself guilty, by no means act contrary to your conscience, and do not lie in the sight of God, but rather persevere unto death in the truth which you know." Hus answered: “If thing erroneous, contrary to the law and the I knew that I had written or preached any. Church, God is my witnesss that I would in all humility retract. But my wish always has been that better doctrine be proved to me out of Scripture, and then I would be most ready to recant." One of the Bishops said indignantly, "Will you be wiser than the whole Council?" Hus answered, "Show me the least member of the Council who will inform me better out of the Scriptures, and I will forthwith retract." "He is obstinate in his heresy," exclaimed the prelates, and Hus was led back to his prison. dressed him, and his words are a strong proof a tree, in which the shoots of one year are turned by us to the Council. He said that, With regard to Mr. Creighton's compe- For this reason, to the student of the Reformation, the century preceding should be familiar if he is to trace effects to their true causes. The removal of the Papacy to Avignon and the seventy years captivity, there is the true turning-point of medieval history. True, that under Gregory XI. the Popes returned at last to Rome, but it was only to find the city a desert, their power in Italy gone, and the prestige of the Papacy sunk so low that, but for the Banderisti as they were called, or trained bands of Roman citizens, the Popes would have made their escape again, and perhaps abandoned Rome for ever. Then came the great schism, which lasted on for another half-century, or from 1375 to 1425, and was only healed at the Council of Constance by the election of a Pope who was more the nominee of the Council than of the Cardinals. We have only to glance at these incidents. of the century which preceded the birth to bid farewell to his various friends in BoHus resolutely prepared to die, and wrote of Luther, in order to see that the Re-hemia and at Constance. A tranquil yet deter formation, or the great schism between North and South Europe, was only the consequence and outcome of that other schism which Mr. Creighton relates the details of with much particularity. History, in a word, is always germinant, like Sentence on Hus. which he sends. mined spirit breathes through his letters; the Next day, July 6, was a general session of the Council in the Cathedral, which Sigismund of mass Hus was kept standing in the porch attended in royal state. During the celebration with an armed escort. He was brought in to listen to a sermon on the sin of heresy from the Bishop of Lodi. He was stationed before a raised platform, on which was a stand conDuring the sermon Hus knelt in prayer. When taining all the articles of a priest's dress. the sermon was over a proctor of the Council demanded sentence against Hus. A doctor mounted the pulpit and read a selection from the condemned articles of Wyclif and the conclusions of the process against Hus. More than once Hus tried to answer to the charges, but he was ordered to keep silence. He plea led that he wished to clear himself of error in the eyes of those who stood by; afterwards they might deal with him as they chose. When be was forbidden to speak he again knelt in prayer. The number and rank, but not the names, of the witnesses to each charge, together with a summary of their testimony, was then read. Hus was aroused by hearing new charges brought against him-amongst others the monstrous assertion that he had declared himself to be the Fourth Person of the Trinity. He indignantly asked the name of the one doctor who was quoted as witness, but was answered that there was no need of naming him now. When he was charged with despising the Papal excommunication and refusing to answer the Pope's summons, he again protested that he had desired nothing had for that purpose come to Constance of more than to prove his own innocence, and his own free will, trusting in the Imperial safe conduct. As he said this he looked fixedly at Sigi-mund, who blushed through shame. of the Council against Hus was read. First his After this recital of his crimes, the sentence writings, Latin and Bohemian, were condemned as heretical and ordered to be burnt. Hus asked how they could know that his Bohemian writings were heretical, seeing they that Hus himself as a pertinacious heretic be had never read them. The sentence went on, degraded from the priesthood. When the reading of the sentence was over, Hus prayed aloud: "O Lord Jesus Christ, pardon all my Thee. Thou knowest that they have falsely enemies, for Thy great mercy's sake, I beseech accused me, brought forward false witnesses and forged false articles against me. Pardon them through Thy immense mercy." The Archbishop of Milan, with six other Bishops, proceeded to the formal degradation of Hus. He was set on the platform in the middle of the Cathedral, and was invested in the full priestly dress, with the chalice in his hand. Again he was exhorted to retract. He turned to the people, and, with tears streaming down his face, said, "See how these Bishops expect me to abjure: yet I fear to do so, lest I be a liar in the sight of the Lord-lest I offend my conscience and the truth of God, since I never held these articles which witness falsely against me, but rather wrote and taught the opposite. I fear, too, to scandalise the multitude to which I preached." The Bishops then proceeded to his degradation. Each article of his priestly office was taken from him with solemn formality, and his tonsure was cut on four sides. Then it was pronounced, "The Church has taken from him all rights of the Church; and commits him to the secular arm." The paper cap, painted over with fiends, was put on his head, with the words "We commit your soul to the devil." Sigismund gave him to the charge of Lewis of Bavaria, who handed him to the civic officers for execution. As the procession passed out of the church Hus saw his books being burned in the churchyard. He was led out of the town the stake had been prepared. To the last he asserted to the bystanders that he had never taught the things laid to his charge. When he was bound to the stake and Lewis of Bavaria again begged him to recant, Hus answered that the charges against him were false: "I am prepared to die in that truth of the Gospel which I taught and wrote." As the pile was kindled Hus began to sing from the Liturgy :O Christ, Son of the living God, have mercy upon into a suburb called Bruel, where in a meadow us; : O Christ, Son of the living God, have mercy upon me; Thou Who wast born of the Virgin Mary The wind swept the flames upward into his face, and he remained speechless. His lips were seen to move for a few minutes and then his spirit passed away. The attendants took great care that his body was all reduced to ashes. His clothes, which, according to custom, belonged to the executioner, were bought from him by Lewis of Bavaria, and were also burned. The ashes were flung into the Rhine: it was determined that Bohemia should have no relics of her martyr. The comments which he makes on Hus are not pitched, perhaps, in as high a key as we could wish. The historical conscience is so strong in Mr. Creighton that he cannot help judging his executioners, not from our nineteenth century point of view, but from the standpoint of the fifteenth. This, of course, changes the perspective, and with it our judgment of the sin of persecution. The contrast between Hus and Gerson is that between a modern Protestant and a Romanist. We can see why persecution would be abhorrent to the one, and essential to the self-consistency of the other. Hus and Gerson. It is difficult to see where Hus expected to find partisans in the Council. The Pope and the Cardinals had already declared themselves against him. England had abandoned Wyelif, and was not likely to raise its voice in favour of Hus. France in its distracted condition brought its political animosities to the Council, and was not likely to lend help to one whose principles were subversive of political order. Already the ecclesiastical reformers of the University of Paris had taken steps to cut kind of pre-Reformation study, but they bule to the edifice itself. We can only are more of the nature of a porch or vestihope that the hand which has traced the movement thus far may live to carry it down at least to the Council of Trent. Should Mr. Creighton succeed in this, we shall then regard him as the English Ranke, and a higher point than this we do not think that he would aspire to. themselves off from all connection with those of Prag. In May 1414 Gerson wrote to Conrad, the new Archbishop of Prag, exhorting him to root out the Wyclifite errors. On September 24 he sent the Archbishop twenty articles taken from the writings of Hus, which the theological faculty of the University of Paris had condemned as erroneous. These articles mostly dealt with Hus's conception of the Church as the body of those predestinated to salvation, and the consequent inference that the commands of those predestinated to damnation were not binding on the faithful. Gerson was horrified at such a theory of the Church; he regarded it as subversive of all law and LADY DIXIE ON SOUTH AFRICA.* order. He and the conservative reformers of Paris were willing to reform the existing WHEN the first sentence in a book is the abuses in the ecclesiastical system, and for following, "So it was decided that I that purpose admitted a power residing in the should Southward Ho!" the judicious whole body of the Church which was superior go on emergencies to that of its ordinary ruler; reader at once feels that he has before but they shrank from a new conception of the him the work of a writer, to say the Church which would allow the private judg- least, of the slapdash order. Lady ment of the predestinated to override all Dixie is certainly a phenomenon, and authority. Gerson regarded Hus as a dangerous her husband's power of sleep, of which revolutionist; he wrote to the Archbishop on j September 21, The most dangerous error, she writes scornfully, must have proved to destructive of all political order and quiet, is him an invaluable resource. Her ladythis-that one predestined to damnation or ship went out to South Africa as war corliving in mortal sin, has no rule, jurisdiction, respondent of the Morning Post. The or power over others in a Christian people. Against such an error it seems to my humility idea seems ludicrous, as a real war correthat all power, spiritual and temporal, ought spondent, of course, must necessarily be to rise and exterminate it by fire and sword in positions and exposed to dangers in rather than by curious reasoning. For politi- which no woman should be allowed to cal power is not founded on the title of predestination or grace, since that would be most place herself. uncertain, but is established according to laws ecclesiastical and civil." The antagonism between the two schools of thought was profound. Hus, in his desire to deepen the consciousness of spiritual life, and bind together the faithful by an invisible bond of union with Christianity, was willing to sacrifice all outward organisation. Gerson regarded the Church as a religious polity whose laws and constitution needed reform; but the most fatal enemy to that reform was the spirit of revolution which threatened the whole fabric with destruction. As a statesman and as a logician Gerson regarded Hus's views as extremely dangerous. Hus, stirred only by his desire for greater holiness in the Church, be lieved that he could move the Council as he moved his congregation of Bethlehem. He wished only for an opportunity of getting forth his opinions before assembled Christendom, and thought that their manifest truth could not fail to carry conviction. There was a childlike simplicity about his character, and of modern times have mistaken for vanity. an ignorance of the world which some writers The second volume brings us down to the year 1464, which is a few years after the taking of Constantinople, and may be and the Reformation. It has been often said to mark the birth of the Renaissance said that the Reformation was to the North of Europe what the Renaissance took their rise together, the one princiwas to the South. The two movements pally religious, the other intellectual-the one coming down through the Lollards and Hussites, and finally striking root in Germany, and thence spreading through North Europe. The other movement came from Constantinople, took root in Florence, and thence spread through Italy and France, and ended, as it began, in an intellectual revival. We should like to see Mr. Creighton dealing with this epoch, when modern history, properly so called, begins. These two goodly volumes are a It seems to us, also, that a lady born into the aristocratic class-to be presumed in comfortable circumstances-if time hangs heavy on her hands, has duties at home to the society which has made her what she is, and has placed her where she is, which cannot be discharged by wandering in search of excitement all over the world. "Every preparation," her ladyship tells us in her off-hand style, "had been made for the far North-West; guides, hunters, and Indians, had all been engaged beforehand; the journey across the ice-bound land of North America had been planned even to the crossing of Behren's Straits, and a winter's sojourn on the mystic Arctic shores of far-off Tuski-land, where, amidst a strange people and an almost unknown country, I had hoped to study the manners and customs of this Asiatic tribe, and find in the solitude of those wintry scenes the loneliness which at times it is sweet to find." Of course there is no accounting for taste. Solitude is without going quite so far, and we have to be found by those who seek it but a poor opinion of ladies, who can wish to break the bonds of habit, and the on them by their station in life, to claims of society, and the duties imposed inhabit deserts and to herd with savages. If a man is called to do this, it is right and proper that his wife, if he has one, should accompany him. Husband and wife are one flesh, and, if possible, should never be divorced. Lady Dixie seems to take her husband in tow and to scamper where she pleases, seem Author of "Abel Avenged," The Land of Misfortune. By Lady Florence Dixie, from Sketches by Major Fraser and Captain Bere London: Richard Bentley and Son. Price 18s. fancy of her own free will. It is much, also, to be regretted that her ladyship did not take the trouble to understand the Transvaal question before she freely blames the Boers for doing what she admires the Zulu king for doing. If it was right in the one case to resist English aggression, it was equally so in the other. The Boers have as much right to the Transvaal as Cetewayo to Zululand. They are neither of them native to the soil; they are both interlopers where they are ; but for this surely they are not to be called to account by England, the greatest interloper of all. Colonial Feeling. Riding on to the head of the column, I was able to take more notice of the manner in which the troops were received. A few feeble cheers strove to make themselves heard; but they sounded more like wails than anything else, and the onlookers consisted chiefly of Boers. The greater portion of the English colonists manifested their disapproval of our home policy by closing up their houses and keeping within; the few who did put in an appearance regarding it with grave disapproval. A well-dressed looking Englishman who stood near came up and addressed me:"How long do those troops remain here?" he asked, "and why have they come ?" ingly to be talked about, and for no better | British soldier. Thus, in the journey | On the whole, perhaps, it is as well we or higher motive. This may suit her taste into the interior, one of the waggons stuck are at peace with the Boers. Colonial and be her own business. When her in a position from which its extrication wars are seldom profitable, except to the ladyship rushes into print, however, the appeared impossible. Then ensued a people who get us drawn into them, and case is altered. When she publishes her scene of disgusting cruelty on the part of then, when Imperial treasures are to be scampers, and gives us her opinions, we the drivers, and, adds her ladyship, drawn on, everything goes on swimmingly. have a right to ask for something that we "several soldiers in charge of the waggon, Our author accounts for the terrible loss did not know before, and that opinions, instead of interposing to prevent such of oxen, of which she was the witness, when expressed, may be founded on cruelty, seemed to look upon it as an on the supposition that, as the owner would knowledge. In this respect her ladyship's amusing spectacle, and one of them draw- be compensated by the English Governbook fails to satisfy the reader. The story ing his knife began to prog one of the ment, he was quite reckless in the matter. of the hardships of travel in South Africa animals with the blade. In its agony the It is to be feared, also, that in other ways has been told a thousand times. We know poor brute reared up and fell backwards, the colonists make heavy claims on the all about Kimberley and the diamond while the rest, in their fright and Imperial Government, or rather on the mines, and now that Cetewayo has been terror, became inextricably mixed in British taxpayer. At Potchefstroom she restored it is needless to insist on his each other's gear." When we read of saw a large store, which had been abanrights. By the way, it is a pity that Lady choice little dinners and some excellent doned, the owner of which had sent in a Dixie cannot make up her mind as to the champagne we can understand, not only claim for £200,000. It is to be ques proper way in which to spell the black the expense of our colonial wars, but their tioned whether any store in that little town monarch's name. Perhaps, like Lord delays. Men who are waiting for the had ever had assortment of goods of anyMalmesbury, her ladyship thinks spelling waggons to come up with the material for thing like that value. At Potchefstroom of little importance. At times he is called choice little dinners and excellent cham- she thus describes Ceteshwayo, at times Seketwayo. It would pagne, are prevented from taking time by be less confusing to the reader if her lady- the forelock-the great secret of success ship would make up her mind, and not in war. One would have thought that our with charming, but feminine, fickleness, brave warriors could have waited till they use either name, according to the sweet were back at the Cape or Natal for the luxuries of which her ladyship writes. The impedimenta, of which Lady Dixie writes, and which certainly excited her surprise, must have been specially disastrous in our fight with the Boers, who in time of war live on strips of raw meat cut from the most fleshy parts of the trek ox and hung round the camp to dry. On this, adds her ladyship, they thrive, and in time of war find it is specially adapted to their requirements. It is light and easy to carry, few waggons, corresponding to the commissariat of our army, are wanted; it requires no cooking, so that fires, if undesirable, can be dispensed with; and on this the Boer can live contentedly and flourish, retaining his health and strength. Our soldiers seem to fancy that in time of war they are to live as well as in time of peace at home. Hence, not improbably, their failure when they had to fight the Boers. The attack on Amajuba her ladyship does not think so wonderful a feat as it was represented at the time in certain quarters; but she admits that the Boers were men to whom such feats of hardihood were familiar from their earliest childhood, and to whom the ascent of any mountain was easy. Poor The expression of opinion volunteered so President Brand must have had an uneasy freely by this colonist was but a type of the time of it. When he came on a friendly universal feeling that I found everywhere mission to the camp of the whites, there prevalent amongst Englishman. Disgust and was a hot discussion on the subject of the minds of the settlers harboured all that was contempt had asserted their reign, and the war. "President Brand," we are told, bitter and unforgiving towards the authors of "found many assailants, and when at a loss a policy which they asserted would be their for a reply, warded off the attack by ruin. In a stationer's window I saw two large pious ejaculations. Far into the night Mr. Gladstone. Garlands of immortelle flowers prints-one of Lord Beaconsfield, the other of the arguments were prolonged." Lady adorned the frame of the former, and the Dixie has little sympathy with him or his words, "Sacred to the Memory of Him who cause, yet she has her misgivings, and brought us Peace with Honour," were prettily on one occasion, as they were marching arranged in letters composed of many-coloured through the swamp country, she ex-by, draped in crape, hung the likeness of Mr. flowers at the bottom of the picture. Close claimed, "What havoc and confusion Gladstone reversed, and the words "Death to could not fifty Boers have made in those Honour" arranged in letters composed of long struggling lines of waggons without, faded flowers. which the British soldier cannot march." It is unfortunate that Lady Dixie has seen nothing of the people of South Africa with whom we are more inmediately concerned. If the country be one of misfortune, we may ask what is the Had she visited Bishop remedy? Colenso, she would have learnt something; had she talked with the Colonial state men in Cape Town, she might have heard weighty matter; but her time see us to have been chiefly occupied in accompanying our noble army, in daring feats of horsemanship, and horse-racing, and gaiety, and she learns and retails their ideas. "Had a book been compiled," she tells us, "containing all the epithets and abuse hurled at the Government who had so debased and lowered the glory and prestige of England during the six months I passed in South Africa, I verily believe that the volume in question would have been great beyond all human power to lift." However, in one respect, Lady Dixie does good service. She shows that in the way of army reform much remains to be accomplished ere we shall have an efficient force to tackle with natives, in case of war. She also shows the demoralising influence of war, and the less and thoughtless cruelty of the "It is a pretty well understood matter," I replied, "that the sealed orders of the General will instruct him to remain at Potchefstroom two or three days, and then march down country, whence he came." thing?" again inquired my friend. "I believe not," I answered. "We have marched through the Transvaal to assert the Queen's authority; we shall now display a Uunion Jack, burn a bonfire, and then return clusion that the Transvaal is to be returned to with honour. It is almost a foregone conthe Boers. This march through the country is doubtless done to pacify the public at home." "Pah!" said the man, turning away; "they need not have troubled to come; we don't want them. The sooner they go the better." It is to be feared the Boers treat the December 1, 1882. natives very badly. As an illustration we | better, if we may credit the account given quote Lady Dixie's account of A Boer and His Slave, As I was standing at the door of the inn, after supper, trying to obtain a little fresh air, for the interior was somewhat stuffy and redolent with Boer tobacco, a spider, drawn by two horses, pulled up in front of me, and a fat, puffing Boer descended, having previously committed the care of the reins to a confused, shivering heap of something, which at first I could not distinguish. The voice of the visitor was then heard calling loudly for brandy, which was followed by an explanation that it was taken to warm himself. He had fat on him, however, enough and to spare to protect himself from cold, and I am afraid the excuse was not believed by any one, though, for all anybody cared, he was welcome to drink twenty tots, as he called them, so long as he did not make himself obnoxious afterwards. While he was indulging in his potations I benefit." I called out to the landlord inside, "What! you give zee dog a drink?" questioned my drunken friend, full of astonish ment. 'Dog?" I replied. "I don't know what you call dog; if he is one, all I can say is that he is a much nicer creature than you are." were "But I am in zee hurry," continued the " and I want to Boer, with a drunken hiccup, get on," he added, touching up his horses. The animals sprang forward, but I managed to restrain them; and my husband coming effectually to my assistance, they stopped. By this time the landlord made his appearance, and, taking the glass from his hands, I told him to run quickly for a pipe, a box of matches, and some tobacco. I then proceeded to give the Hottentot his drink; but for a long time he could not be made to understand that it was for him. When, however, this dawned upon him, his face of astonishment, wonder, and gratitude was worth seeing. His eyes filled with tears as he took the glass with his poor, trembling hands, and in broken English I heard him thank me, though in a low voice, "Good lady-kind missus," he said, "English lady you areBoer." —English very kind, not like the I next proceeded to make him happy with the pipe, box of matches, and tobacco I had sent for; and presenting him in addition with a warm blanket, I then told my drunken friend that he was at liberty to proceed. The potations, however, were taking effect, his head had sunk on his chest, and the reins were dropping from his hands. Having called the Hottentot's attention to his master's state, the man took the reins, and thanking the "kind missus once more, proceeded to act the part of Jehu. by Lady Dixie of The Kimberley Hospital. In sad contrast to this comfortable abode On another bed hard by a man lay dying. Lady Dixie writes like a clever woman; The Diamond Ring. By Elizabeth Harcourt Mitchell. (London: However, we ourselves are but little listic clergyman GARIBALDI.* [SECOND NOTICE.] THERE was in Garibaldi's nature a sort of innocent lawlessness, fostered by his wild life in South America, which, while it added to the charm of his originality, could not fail to bear disagreeable fruits in this conventional old world of ours. When he was He had sometimes as little regard for 66 good" frame of mind, he put on the Sardic uniform to go on board Admiral Mundy's ship to meet the Neapolitan envoys; but there was nothing premeditated in it, we feel sure, for he said he meant no disrespect to the House, and we cannot doubt him. Tremendous applause from all sides of the Chamber greeted the hero's advent; but when this warm welcome was over, a on the subject of the Volunteer Army, to painful and acrimonious discussion began advocate the claims of which the General had come with a speech prepared, and accompanied by two literary men, one on each side. He would have done as well without the professors' tutelage, for he soon broke loose from their decorous a considerable control, and gave his passion rein. At this period there was amount of jealousy and irritation on the part of the Volunteers against the Regulars; they thought it hard that having fought more, risked more, suffered more, for the cause of Italy than the Royal troops, they should be disembodied like ordinary militia in time of peace, while was intensely attached to his followers, and still eager for martial service. Garibaldi would rather be slighted and injured in his own person than see them wronged. They knew this, and beset him with complaints, inflaming his anger against the Government; for it is needless to say the Volunteer Army was not all composed of Garibaldis and Bixios, and much personal vanity and ambition entered into the question, though it must be acknowledged their case seemed a hard one. On We know, from embarrassing position. the other hand, the Ministry was in a very recently discovered letters of Cavour how Garibaldi. By Giuseppe Guerzoni. With D published and unpublished, Topographical P Fac-simile. Two Volumes. Florence: G. Bay |