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Curran's case, without Mr. Fox, his subsequent elevation would have been uncertain.

While Mr. Fox thus appears contented and moderate, constant and affectionate to old friends, and attached to his books and the country, just as when he filled a private station, he also evinced a noble disinterestedness about his family and connexions; he sought neither place nor pension for them on coming into office; he secured no reversions, or sinecures for himself or them, and not a view or thought of his mind tended to his own or family's aggrandizement. A beloved and most deserving nephew, highly gifted in point of talent; liberal and of congenial mind to himself, lord Holland, was without situation, and his uncle the first minister, as well as genius in the empire. Disinterestedness consists of two branches, taking nothing for selfish purposes, and sacrificing personal feelings for the good of others. Mr. Fox evinced disinterestedness in both respects, and it was quite impossible to conceive any thing more devoid of selfish or ambitious ideas, than the feelings of that great man's mind.

On returning from St. Anne's Hill, he resumed his occupations at the office with greater alacrity and steadiness. He received the foreign ministers with dignity and affability, and they found the asperities of the preceding ministry soften into a wise system of conciliation, whilst the genuine energy of genius began to create new sentiments of respect in their courts for England. Mildness of temper had taken place of domineering; and foreign courts, which had revolted at the imperious tone of a bully, suffered themselves to be persuaded like friends, and argued with as equals.

At the English foreign office, I found myself in a very different situation from that at the Bureau des Affaires Etrangeres, at Paris. There we reviewed past transactions in the extraordinary time of the Stuarts and Louis XIV.

and contemplated the final result in the just humiliation of Louis, under William and Anne, with unfeigned pleasure. Here I could only review a series of blunders, as I cast my eye over the map of Europe, and on the list of foreign courts, to which England had once sent ambassadors. In one case, a despot had been gloriously repressed; and when all the rational purposes of war had been fulfilled, peace had given repose to Europe: in the latter, a frantic attempt had been made to dismember, and new model a great nation, whose efforts for self-preservation, sublime but ter rible, had reacted upon Europe, and fatally injured her just balance and distribution of power. How different were the results, when William the Third, comprehensive and magnanimous, directed the affairs of Great Britain, from those attending the ministry of Mr. William Pitt!

CHAPTER III.

UNDER the auspices of Mr. Fox, England had her best chance of a favourable and honourable peace. It would be needless to investigate whether the incident which gave rise to the overtures was contrived by the French government, or was one of those affairs familiar to governments, of which Mr. Fox made a noble and judicious use. When two great nations need repose, neither is degraded by making the first proposal, or by seeking to adjust their differences, and lay down their arms. Mr. Fox saw precious moments passing away, and the states of Europe becoming daily more enfeebled, by their contests with France. He knew that the natural resources of England enabled her to defy every danger in time of peace, and as it was part of his character not to fear remote possibilities, he thought the present and positive good, resulting from diminished expenditure, the correction of abuses at home, and a grand system of liberal European politics upon the continent, would counterbalance the increasing power of France, and that, in fact, it was by war she had grown great, and by war she would grow greater.

The negotiation which ensued was a singular spectacle for Europe. Fox and TALLEYRAND-the most able men

in their respective countries, in foreign affairs-were matched in the grand struggle to procure advantages for their countries, and to make a peace honourable to both. It is the common mistake in England, that the French are insincere, and of this Mr. Pitt had profitted successfully in his coalition wars: it is, therefore, usual, even with English governments, to doubt of the sincerity of France, and to cast the imputation of insincerity on her, at the end of every unsuccessful negotiation. I am of opinion, that even in common life an overweening degree of suspicion is of injurious consequence, that it irritates and alienates to a great degree, and places parties in a state of repulsion, hostile to their peace and good understanding. It is still more dangerous, as the mischief is more extensive when this disposition separates nations.

I believe the French government was sincere, in 1806, in their wish for peace, as all my observations in the year 1802, in France, confirmed me in the idea, that not only the people but the government were sincerely inclined to preserve a good understanding with Great Britain, until the first consul became irritated at the constant attacks upon him in the English journals.

But when Mr. Pitt was no more, he, whose measures had so plainly been directed not merely against the rank and consequence, but against the very existence of the French people, a great cause of alienation from Great Britain was removed, and those angry feelings, which are excited against an arrogant persecutor, were buried in his tomb. Besides, Mr. Fox, whose generous and sincere nature, acknowledged love of peace, and great capacity, were well known to the French nation and government, was placed at the helm, and they had reason to expect manly and dignified discussion, instead of captious or imperious cavilling in a negotiation. Lord Grenville unfortunately was joined with Mr. Fox, indeed, but even the co-operation of that minister, so memorably unconciliating

in the department for foreign affairs at the commencement of the war with France, was forgotten, under the idea that he had acted a subordinate part to Mr. Pitt, and that the happier temper of Mr. Fox would produce better feelings.

As the negotiation proceeded, Mr. Fox showed great anxiety, not that of a politician anxious to gain credit for successful measures, but of a man deeply impressed with a regard for the interests of suffering humanity. I do not say that he expected, as it advanced, that it would arrive at a happy termination. Mr. Pitt, whose unfortunate and old system had been revived after the truce of 1802, had rendered pacification nearly impossible. He had so much further involved and injured the continent, particularly Russia, by persevering in his plans, which no experience could correct, no time or irrevocable events could enlighten, that England, in 1806, with Mr. Fox at the head of her councils, saw herself incapable of including the interests of the continent, as was desirable, along with her own. The losses of Russia hurried her into a hasty treaty. No other formidable power remained unbroken, that could join with her, and, by its additional weight, make the scale preponderate against, or balance that of France.

Mr. Fox's exalted name was beneficial indeed to England: he knew the character of the French emperor, too, and was himself personally respected and esteemed by the government of France; but this was a feeble substitute for the weight of an allied power. England and France were thus brought to the work of peace single-handed. The acute, ingenious, and penetrating mind of Talleyrand, was supported by the vast advantages gained by France, and confirmed by the dangerous prolongation of war-the mild, argumentative, and commanding energy of Fox, was unabashed by such superiority; yet the great nation, whose interests he guarded, required high terms to satisfy it, and with Roman magnanimity, was willing, involved,