made in another place during the entire of the discussion on the Corn Bill. My Lords, it calls to my remembrance a fable which was related of old, of one who went to a magician and begged that he would discover to him a treasure in his field. The magician told him to labour at his field, to dig up the entire surface, and not to leave a single clod that was not upturned. He went his way, and complied with the direction, nor desisted in his toil till every clod was reduced to powder, and all was exposed to the genial and fructifying atmosphere, but no piece of gold was discovered, and the hapless labourer-for so he considered himselfreturning to the magician, bitterly complained that he had been deceived. What," said the wise man, "have you found nothing?"-"Not one farthing,' replied the husbandman, "in the whole field, although I dug up the entire surface, and left no sod unturned." "Go," said the magician, sow the field that you have dug, and you will find a much greater treasure in the crop you will reap next harvest, than in any piece of gold you could possibly have found." And so, to apply the allegory, I would say of the landed aristocracy, Although they have failed (and fervently do I hope that they may fail here as they have elsewhere) in obtaining the object of their great exertions-although they have not found the treasures they sought for-although they have failed in getting the measure defeated against which they are leagued, they have, notwithstanding, gained another and a greater object peal, for the purpose of taking away what I think is most fallaciously thought to be, and what they erroneously call, natural and necessary protection, be well assured, with these opinions which I hold, and have ever held, that, regarding the vast importance of the landed interest, I am the last man in the world to give a consent to this measure if I thought, by its passing, that the interest, the safety, the security of that great body were placed in jeopardy. But that, my Lords, is not my view; and when I am told that our institutions require this protection, and that without this protection of raising a little the price of food-and if it be to raise it but 1s. a quarter, it is a poll-tax paid by every man in the country; and suppose you wanted to raise a million and a quarter, is not that the last tax you would have recourse to, however much you stood in need of it, ay, though the maintenance of your fleets and your armies were endangeredis not a poll-tax even of 1s. the very last that any man in his senses would propose in order to raise the necessary supplies? And yet if the Corn Law keeps up the price of the subsistence of the people only 1s. a quarter, it is a poll-tax upon every man, rich and poor, in the kingdom. Therefore, my Lords, although I do not consider that the protection of the landed aristocracy requires such measures, or that they are essential, as has been fantastically supposed, to the preservation of our precious, our immemorial institutions, though, on the contrary, it is my opinion that the sooner such measures are done away with the better will it be for the in--they have achieved a more effectual terests of that aristocracy, and the more secure will be those institutions, I will tell the landed aristocracy where to look, if they would find protection for themselves and a bulwark for those institutions. Let them rely upon themselves. Si munimentum quæris circumspice. Look around at the display of talent which has been evoked by the discussion of this great question tonight, which was evoked by the debates elsewhere, and let those blush for shame, if they are capable of doing so, who ever ventured to talk with contempt of the talents, the accomplishments, the acquirements of the aristocracy of this country. Not to speak of my noble Friends who addressed you with such power to-night-position to which they are entitled as well the noble Duke who moved the Amendment, and the noble Lord the late Colonial Secretary let them reflect on the splendid exhibition of debating power which was protection for themselves, and a better security for those institutions of which they are the chosen guardians, and, I will freely admit, the best defenders; for they have made a display of ability, have shown a talent for affairs, powers of debating, and intellectual endowments of every description, such as their adversaries gave them little credit for, but which they may themselves well be proud of, and from which their country will hereafter most assuredly derive lasting benefit, and their order imperishable renown. No longer let them rely for power on their pride of heraldry, their proud castles, the immemorial splendours of their ancestry, but take that by merit as by birth. My Lords, I have studiously avoided all personal allusions ; but I should fail of discharging a duty which I owe as a citizen of this country, and as nance of Lighthouses, Beacons, and Floating Buoys on the Coasts of the United Kingdom, should hencefo th be defrayed out of the Public Revenue.-By Mr. Deedes, from Chairman, Vice-Chairman, and Members of the Board of Guardians of the Isle of Thanet Union, for Rating Owners of Small Tenements to the Poor Rates in lieu of Occupiers.- By Mr. Beckett, from Artists and other Persons connected with and interested in the Dif fusion and Extension of the Fine Arts, in London, in favour of the Art Unions Bill.-By Mr. Farnham, from Castle Donington, for Repeal of Maynooth College Act. - By several hon. Members, from various places, in favour of the Roman Catholic Relief Bill.-By Lord John Russell, from Glasgow, for a Final Adjustment of the Sugar Duties. By Mr. M'Donnell, and Mr. O'Connell, from various places, against the Protection of Life (Ireland) Bill.-By Sir George Grey, from Passengers travelling between Birmingham and Bristol by Railway, on the 20th Day of May, complaining of Break of Gauge on Railways. MEASURES OF RELIEF FOR IRELAND. MR. S. CRAWFORD wished to put a question to the right hon. Gentleman the First Lord of the Treasury, and he trusted the right hon. Gentleman would not think a Member of this House-a debt of gratitude upon public grounds, but a debt of strict justice as well-did I not express my deep sense of the public virtue, no less than the great capacity and the high moral courage which my right hon. Friend at the head of the Government has exhibited in dealing with this question. He cast away all personal and private considerations of what description soever, and, studiously disregarding his own interest. in every stage and step of his progress, he has given up what, to a political leader, is the most enviable of all positions-the calm, unquestioned, undivided support of Parliament; he has exposed himself to the frenzy of the most tempest-troubled sea that the political world in our days, perhaps, ever exhibited. He has given up what to an ambitious man is much-the security of his power; he has given up what to a calculating man is much-influence he was too pressing in bringing it forward and authority with his party; he has given up what to an amiable man is much indeed -private friendships and party connexions; and all these sacrifices he has voluntarily, and with his eyes open, encountered, in order to discharge what, be he right, or be he wrong, he deemed a great public duty. He, in these circumstances - he, in this proud position-may well scorn the sordid attacks, the wretched ribaldry, with which he is out of doors assailed, because he knows that he has entitled himself to the gratitude of his country, and will leave as I in my conscience believe he will leave his name to after ages, as one of the greatest and most disinterested Ministers that ever wielded the destitinies of this country. Debate adjourned. House adjourned. mmmmm HOUSE OF COMMONS, at this early period of the Session. He wished to know what measures they were to expect for the amelioration of Ireland, and more particularly whether they might expect that any measure would be introduced during the present Session to carry out the recommendation of the Land Commission on the subject of the law of landlord and tenant. The objects to which he would especially refer the right hon. Gentleman as having been suggested by the Commission were-1st, the amendment of the laws of distress; 2nd, the amendment of the laws of ejectment; 3rd, compensation to tenants for improvements; 4th, commutation of lives renewable for ever into perpetuities; and 5th, powers of leasing to be given under certain limitations to tenants for life, and corporations. should like to hear from the right hon. Gentleman some intimation as to whether measures for the promotion of these objects, or any of them, were to be brought forward in the course of the present Ses MINUTES.] PUBLIC BILLS.-Reported. Corresponding So- sion. cieties and Lecture Rooms. 34 and passed. Superintendent of Convicts. PETITIONS PRESENTED. By Mr. O'Connell, from an immense number of places, for the Immediate Release of William Smith O'Brien, Esq.-By Mr. Duncan, from Ministers and Elders of the Free Church Presbytery of Dundee, and by Mr. Thomas Hepburn, from Members and Adherents of the Free Church Congregation in Yester, complaining of Refusal to grant Sites for Free Churches in Scotland.-By Mr. Brotherton, from Inhabitants of the Village of Acomb, for the Adoption of Measures for promoting the Due Observance of the Lord's Day.-By Mr. Chute, and Sir Stephen Glynne, from an immense number of places, against the Union of St. Asaph and Bangor, but providing for the Immediate Appointment of a Bishop to the newly erected See of Manchester. praying that all Expenses for the Erection and Mainte By Mr. McCarthy, from Shipowners of the City of Cork, He SIR R. PEEL: I think the hon. Gentleman, particularly from the deep interest he has taken in the subject to which he has referred, and from the noble example he has set as a landlord in Ireland, is fully entitled to put these questions. I can assure the hon. Gentleman that this subject has occupied much of the attention of Her Majesty's Government, and he is himself aware what has been our chief occupation since the meeting of Parliament, and also of the disadvantage which for a time was experienced in consequence of a change in the office of Chief Secretary for Ireland. Unfortunately, my noble Friend who holds that office has been disabled from attending on the House, and paying that attention to his duties which he wished; but, in all likelihood, he will be able to attend in his place in a few days, probably before the Whitsuntide holidays, when he will announce the nature of the measures which the Government intend to bring before the House. In the meantime I may state, that my noble Friend will bring under the consideration of the House three measures based on the recommendations of the Landlord and Tenant Commission. I think it would be improper for me to enter into any detail as to those measures; but I may state their general objects to be-a Bill for making compensation to tenants for improvements made by them -a Bill for amending the law as to ejectments and distresses-and, thirdly, a Bill prescribing a short form of lease, and reducing the stamp duties thereon. Before I move the adjournment for the Whitsuntide holidays, an early day will be named for bringing those measures before the House. LIBERATION OF MR. W. S. O'BRIEN. MR. SHAW said, that he had collected on Friday night, from the intimation of the noble Lord the Member for London (Lord J. Russell), as well as from the suggestion of the right hon. Baronet at the head of the Government, that it was the wish of the House that the discharge of Mr. Smith O'Brien should be moved the present evening, before the commencement of the public business. He would, in the first place, assure the hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for the county of Cork (Mr. O'Connell), that, although his notice was the first given, and stood first on the Paper, he would willingly have given way to the hon. and learned Gentle man, and felt no rivalry in the matter; but on looking at the two notices, he conceived that his was worded in a manner more likely to prevail with the House, and that was his only object in claiming the precedence. He would, then, in a very few words, state to the House the grounds on which he moved for the discharge of Mr. Smith O'Brien, the time he had chosen for the purpose, and the form in which he had framed the Motion. In all those respects, he hoped to have the general, inSIR R. PEEL: The House is probably deed he hoped the unanimous, concurrence aware that an event has taken place this of the House. The ground of his Motion, day which will, I am sure, fully justify me then, simply was, that the authority of the in making a Motion without any notice House had been vindicated, and Mr. Smith whatever. That Motion is, that this House O'Brien sufficiently punished by twentydo present an Address of Congratulation to five days' imprisonment. The time he Her Majesty on the addition to Her do- (Mr. Shaw) had selected was when the mestic happiness by the Birth of another Committee which the House had ordered Princess. Sir, I well know the deep feel- Mr. O'Brien to attend, had closed its laings of loyalty towards the Sovereign which bours; and although, in point of form, the prevail in this House, as they prevail in Committee had not, as he (Mr. Shaw) exevery other part of the United Kingdom.pected they would have done, that evening I well know how those feelings of loyalty are exalted by the high personal esteem, respectful attachment, and admiration for the manner in which Her Majesty discharges every duty, whether of a public nature as Sovereign, or in domestic life. I shall, therefore, without further preface, and in the full confidence that my Motion will meet unanimous acquiescence on the part of this House, move that an Address to the effect I have mentioned be presented by this House to Her Majesty. BIRTH OF A PRINCESS. LORD J. RUSSELL: In the assurance that every Member of this House will participate in the feelings expressed by the right hon. Gentleman, I shall simply content myself with seconding the Motion he has now submitted to the House. Motion carried nem. con. made their final report, yet his hon. Friend the Chairman of that Committee (Mr. Henley) would be prepared to state in his place that the business of the Committee was really finished; and as to the form of the discharge, he had copied his Motion from the established precedents of the House, neither taking from them, nor adding to them any words with respect to fees to meet the particular case of Mr. Smith O'Brien. He would make one observation, in justice to the feelings of Mr. S. O'Brien, and that was, that he had given his notice without the slightest acquiescence or knowledge on the part of Mr. Smith O'Brien; and further, he believed that it was contrary to the wishes of Mr. Smith O'Brien, that he was then making the Motion for the hon. Member's release. Nevertheless, he felt it his duty to make it; and he trusted the House would consider that they best consulted their dignity by determining the question upon its own merits, and without reference to the peculiar views or personal feelings of Mr. Smith O'Brien. His (Mr. Shaw's) desire had been to abstain from saying one word that could give rise to discussion, or lead to a difference of opinion. He trusted that he had succeeded in that; and that, as he had ventured to anticipate, the House would unanimously acquiesce in the Motion which he would then propose, namely― "That William Smith O'Brien, Esquire, in custody of the Sergeant-at-Arms attending this House, be discharged out of custody, paying his fees." the payment of them might compromise his principle; and without attempting contumaciously to resist, he intended to protest against the demand. He believed that at the present moment his services were important to his country; but the House would recollect that he had been exposed to all the ridicule of a powerful press, and of a still more powerful public. He (Mr. P. Butler) was of opinion, that the House was now tired of the subject; and his hon. Friend had good reason to be tired of his imprisonment. He had written a letter to the Speaker, to which that right hon. Gentleman had returned an answer, politely declining to read it to the House. The present was a very auspicious moment: a young Princess had just been born; and he hoped that his hon. Friend would spee SIR ROBERT PEEL thought that the House would act most prudently by confining its consideration to the question whether any further object would be gained by continuing the commitment of the hon. Member for Limerick. He had yielded precedence to his right hon. Friend (Mr. Shaw) solely in the belief that the discussion would be limited to that point. impression, confirmed by all that had His pass All MR. HENLEY, as Chairman of the Committee on Group XI., had great plea-dily be delivered also. sure in assuring the House that no more business remained to be done than would occupy about two hours to-morrow. What remained was merely of a formal nature; and he had, therefore, great satisfaction in seconding the Motion of the right hon. Member for the University of Dublin. The House would be glad to hear that no great public inconvenience had resulted from the absence of the hon. Member for Limerick from the Committee, however public affairsed, was deep regret that it had been found might have suffered from his absence from necessary to subject a Member to restraint, the House. The hon. Gentleman seemed and thus to interfere with the discharge of wisely to have preferred his own company his duty towards his constituents. for twenty-four hours in the day to the that would influence him would be the concompany of the Members of the Committee sideration whether it was necessary for the for only four hours in the day. He hoped maintenance of the authority of the House he had profited by it. that the restraint should continue. He felt bound to say that it was not, and should therefore give no opposition to the Motion in the hands of the Speaker. He had been prepared to take this course irrespective of the auspicious event referred to by the hon. Member. He apprehended that the claim for the usual fees would have been made and enforced, whether the Motion had come from his right hon. Friend or from the hon. and learned Member for Cork; and the protest would prevent any personal acquiescence in what seemed opposed to principle in the mind of the hon. Member for Limerick. He rejoiced in the opportunity of permitting him to resume his functions in the House, entertaining a sincere belief that the authority of the House had been sufficiently vindicated, not merely by the punishment inflicted, but by the almost universal feeling among Irish Members that they were entitled to take part in the Legislature for the whole Empire. Not a MR. P. BUTLER wished to say a few words at the request of his hon. Friend the Member for Limerick; and he hoped that they would put no serious impediment in the way of the Motion before the House. He congratulated the right hon. Recorder of Dublin on the manner in which he had come forward to rescue a fellow countryman in distress. He (Mr. P. Butler) as an Irish representative, might be allowed to say that, in his opinion, it was the duty of Irish Members to attend to the business of the Empire generally, and as much to the affairs of England and Scotland as of Ireland. With his hon. Friend, however, a serious question of principle was involved. He was under the impression that the House had acted illegally, unconstitutionally, and without precedent, in committing him. He took exception to the latter part of the Motion which regarded the payment of fees to the Sergeant. He thought that few of them had rendered important services by undertaking and discharging duties on Committees. Motion carried nem. con. toms Duties Bill went through the same stage. It had been understood and agreed to by the House that those measures should have precedence. On Friday last, at the MR. W. S. O'BRIEN ordered to be dis- instance of his hon. Friend the Member charged. for Dorsetshire, he had consented to give up a Government day that the decision of the House on the Factory Bill might be given. There had been two preceding debates on Wednesdays on the subject, and it had been strongly urged upon him to assign a Government day for the sake of bringing the discussion to a termination. He had, therefore, relinquished Friday last. This evening Ministers brought forward the Estimates, because from the lapse of reading of the Bill to which the noble Lord had referred, and then he would appoint a day when the discussion upon it should be taken. PROTECTION OF LIFE (IRELAND) BILL. LORD JOHN RUSSELL adverted to the fact, that the first Order of the Day was the Second Reading of a Bill called the Protection of Life (Ireland) Bill. It would be remembered that Her Majesty, in Her Speech from the Throne, on 22nd January last, stated the increase of the crime of deliberate assassination in Ireland, and advised that measures should be adopt-time it was necessary to pass them. It ed to put an end to the progress of a crime was, in fact, impossible further to postpone so dreadful. He need not state that they asking the House to sanction a vote of had now arrived at the 25th of May, and money in order that the public service the House had not yet heard any statement might be conducted in its usual course. from a Minister of the Crown regarding Consistently with the general wish, and the Bill for the Protection of Life in Ire- for the convenience of the country, a day land. He should have thought that when had been fixed for the financial statement, so serious a measure was proposed by Go- and that day was Friday next. He provernment, they would have deemed it ne-posed to postpone until Friday the second cessary to inform the House why it was introduced, since it was to the full of as much importance as any vote in the Miscellaneous Estimates, which it seemed were nevertheless to have precedence. Ministers ought either to make some statement of their Bill, or if they had seen reason to change their minds, they ought to inform the House of the fact. It seemed hardly consistent with their duty to the Crown and to the House to leave the matter entirely unnoticed, putting it off, perhaps, to the month of July, when the general mas-day. sacre of measures would probably commence. It appeared unadvisable for the House to entertain a measure of this severe description without coming to some determination upon it. Having given the fullest consideration to the subject, and having consented to the first reading of the Bill as proposed by Ministers, he (Lord J. Russell) had come to the conclusion that it was his duty to oppose the second reading; but it was absolutely necessary, for the sake of Ireland, and with reference to public expectation there, that Ministers should state what were their intentions. SIR R. PEEL observed, that in justice to Government the noble Lord ought to bear in mind the circumstances that had hitherto prevented them from naming a day for the second reading. Only on Friday week the Corn Bill had been read a third time, and on Monday last the Cus SPANISH DISCRIMINATING DUTIES. MR. LABOUCHERE wished to put a question, of which he had not been able to give notice, and which perhaps could not be answered at the moment. If so, he should be content to wait until a future The in It had been stated in the public prints that the Spanish Government had sent out instructions to Cuba to place discriminating duties on English goods and vessels in Cuba and Porto Rico. formation he asked was—whether Government had any reason to believe that such instructions had been sent out, and that steps had been taken to carry them into effect? SIR R. PEEL had seen the statement in the newspapers, and went to the Foreign Office in consequence to read the last despatches. They certainly did not bear out the statement in the newspapers; but before he gave a positive answer he wished to make a further reference to the despatches, and to-morrow he would be prepared to state the exact fact. The despatches he had seen did not show that any discriminating duties had been imposed adverse to England. |