SALARY OF THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

March 10.

HIS day Mr. Montague moved, "That this House will, on

a commitee of the

House, to consider of an allowance to be made to the Speaker of the House of Commons for the time being, more adequate to the dignity of the said office, and to the expence necessarily attending the same." The motion being seconded by Mr. Marsham, and Mr. Pitt having signified his majesty's consent, Mr. Hussey rose to express his disapprobation of the measure, as tending to increase the influence of the crown, by annexing so large a salary to an office undeniably in the disposal of its ministers. He was of opinion that it would add nothing to the independence of their Speaker. Those who had formerly held offices under the crown had not been complained of; and, he had no doubt, but that the worthy gentleman who now filled, and those who should be called to the chair, would be equally independent with or without a place.

Mr. BURKE said, that as an honourable gentleman, whose known purity of mind, and whose conduct, as one of the most upright, able, and industrious members of that House, rendered every objection made by him to any measure that was proposed, a matter well worthy of their most serious consideration, had mentioned the resolution voted by that House some years ago, "that the influence of the crown had increased, was increasing, and ought to be diminished," it was impossible for him to hear that resolution alluded to, and sit silent. He was well known not only to have taken a part in laying down the principle stated in the resolution in question, but to have acted upon it in more than one instance. He begged leave to remind his honourable friend, however, that the principle was not a moving, a successive principle, coeval with the constitution; it was not a truth immutable and perpetual like an

article of our religious creed, but though indisputable at the time the principle was laid down, capable of change as circumstances altered. He would venture to say, that the resolution did not apply at present in any thing like the proportion that it had applied at the time it was voted: if it did, the House had lost much time and wasted considerable pains since, in endeavouring to act upon the principle and meet it, on a variety of occasions. For his own part, he should vote in favour of the motion, for reasons directly opposite to those stated by the respectable member who opposed it. He should vote for it, because he considered it as an antidote against the influence of the crown, and as a motion, by admitting which, the House would follow up their own principle, and, in an essential instance, diminish the influence of the crown. For, what was the object of the motion, but for the House to take the provision for their first officer into their own hands, and to prevent him from remaining longer subject to the influence of the crown? The struggle, therefore, lay between the influence of the crown and the influence of the House of Commons; and would any member hesitate a moment on such a question, in favour of which part he should decide? With regard to laying an additional burden on the people, and giving 5000l. a year out of the taxes paid by them, where was the difference, in the end, to the people, whether they paid the money immediately, or paid it indirectly, through the medium of the crown? It was well worth their while, at any price, to lay out their money to purchase the independence of the Speaker of that House; and so strongly did he feel this, that he could not but wish that the House would assert its own independency, relieve the civil list from the sum paid to the Speaker out of that fund, and take the whole of the Speaker's salary upon themselves. So far from being a burden to the people, it would, in all probability, prove the means of preserving them from burdens in future. With regard to the amount of the sum proposed, his own opinion was, that 5000l. a year was not sufficient for the purpose. They had a com

mon interest in maintaining the dignity of their Speaker, and what might at one time be adequate to the expence, they all well knew would not be adequate at another. The same nominal income, which at one period had been an ample allowance, at another would prove by no means sufficient to answer the same purposes. There was an evident necessity, therefore, for an increase of the Speaker's income. The people, he was persuaded, would readily grant it. The only unequivocal proof of a people's love of their government, was their consent to pay their money for its support, and to decorate it with every symbol of exterior grandeur. The people had spoken by their proper voice, their purse, on more than one occasion for this purpose. He was satisfied that they would readily open that purse, and unlock their pockets, in the present instance, where the object to be gained would be entirely their own. With regard to the conduct of the present Speaker, Mr. Burke declared, that what had been said by other gentlemen rendered it the less necessary for him to enlarge upon the subject; as far as he had witnessed, the respectable gentleman (Mr. Addington) who now filled the chair, had acted with so much impartiality, attention, and diligence, that he had not only answered the expectations of his own friends, but so far satisfied the House in general, as to attach the good opinion of those who had voted for another person to fill the office. He had been one of those who had voted for another Speaker to fill the office*, and if the occasion were to present itself again, he should do the same; because he conceived it to be no disgrace to any man, however distinguished his talents, and however respectable his character, for another to have a preference in his own mind for a particular friend. Certainly, no salary, however large, which the House might vote for their Speaker, would preclude the possibility of his being ultimately honoured with a peerage, because that House could

* See page 442. of the present volume.

not deprive their Speaker of any of those honours, which the prerogative of the crown had a right to bestow either upon their Speaker or any other commoner.

The motion was agreed to, and in the committee which sat on the 15th, Mr. Montague moved, "That it is the opinion of this committee, that, for more effectually supporting the dignity of the Speaker of the House of Commons of Great Britain, the lords commissioners of his majesty's treasury be directed to issue from the exchequer such sum as, together with the salary of the said office of 5l. per day, and the fees thereof upon private bills, will make the whole 5000l." A motion being made by Sir James Johnstone, that instead of 5000l. should be inserted 6000l. the same was carried by a majority of 154 to 28.

ON

ATHOL CLAIM.

April 26.

N the 19th of March, in consequence of a petition presented to the House by the Duke of Athol, a bill was brought in by General Murray, for appointing commissioners to inquire into the extent and value of certain rights, revenues, and possessions, in the Isle of Man. On the 26th of April, upon the motion for going into a committee on the bill,

Mr. BURKE remarked, that the honourable gentleman who brought in the bill had taken great pains to prove that this was not a job. It was difficult to say whether it was or was not; but perhaps a definition of a job might somewhat help them to judge: a job, generally speaking, he took to be a pecuniary application for a private purpose, under a pretext of public advantage. Certainly definitions were dangerous, and legal definitions most dangerous of all. He could not decide upon men's intentions; he could only speak of the outward and visible signs, and by those guess

at the inward spirit. If, however, it was a naked and undisguised job, a direct application for a sum of money for the noble duke, he had much rather give his vote for it, than for a measure coming in that concealed and guarded form, the outworks of which were fraught with danger, and shook a hundred principles of law, every one of which ought to be held inviolably sacred. On the present occasion, the House had listened-not, he believed, without the utmost astonishment to claims from the noble duke, perfectly novel to their ears, and never before noticed in the treaty with government; and these were, the crown, the sceptre, the globe, and all the apparatus of royal dignity. That House, therefore, ought to remember that they had a sovereign to deal with, and they ought to treat him with due respect, since even the lordly pride of the Highland chieftain sunk, and became little in comparison with royalty. The noble duke, proud of his sovereign claims, was ready to throw the 70,000 British guineas in our faces, and say, "Take your dirty money back, and give me my crown again; my regal dignity is beyond all price." Mr. Burke observed, that if the present proposition were to be received, it would become difficult to determine whether the next noble duke might not present himself before that House, and say to them, "The pecuniary compensation which you gave my predecessor may do for the revenue, but not for the dignity; I will never allow you to keep back my crown and sceptre, for which no money can compensate." There was a pretium affectionis which defied estimation, and therefore to attempt to bid up to it was downright madness. Mr. Burke argued against suffering parties to come to that House, after exchanges had been fairly made, and complain of their situation. Suppose the public were to say, "We have given you 70,000l. in sterling money for your empty pageantry. Take back your mimic crown, your mock sceptre, and your painted globe, and return us the sterling money;" would not every man shudder at such a monstrous act of injustice? The right