other, would not be carried over to his native country without this reply to it; or if it should, that the good sense and penetration of his countrymen would prevent them from thinking, that in the application of a surplus of the sinking fund to the defence of the common interests of both kingdoms, there was the most distant idea of making one pay tribute to the other. The hereditary revenue, he said, let it produce what it would, would be charged only with 656,000l.; all above that would be applied to the use of the navy; and the Irish parliament would of course add to the 656,000l. such other funds as should be sufficient for the different establishments both civil and military; this revenue would, of course, be charged with the expences of collection.

Mr. BURKE replied, that the right honourable gentleman had dealt by him as he had done by Ireland, he had given a great deal more than had been asked. Mounted aloft on

the shoulders of the right honourable gentleman on his right hand, the chancellor of the exchequer seemed to stand in defiance of attacks, and, supported by that coalition, to brave every opposition. He envied not the statue its pedestal, nor the pedestal its statue. The right honourable gentleman had thought proper to remind him, that he was a native of Ireland. It was true he was an Irishman; and he conceived much was due by every man to the place of his nativity, but that this duty ought not to absorb every other. When another country was generous enough to receive a man into her bosom, and raise him from nothing, -as this great country had raised him to stations of honour and trust, and conferred upon him the power of doing good to millions, such a country had claims upon him not inferior to those of that which had given him birth. It behoved such a man to reconcile, if possible, the two duties: however, should they unfortunately point different ways, it was his bounden duty, either to return the trust reposed in him by the adopting country, or else con

*Mr. Jenkinson.

C

sider its interests as paramount to every other upon earth, To consult the interests of England and Ireland, to unite and consolidate them into one, was a task he would undertake, as that by which he should best discharge the duties he owed to both. To Ireland, independence of legislature. had been given; she was now a co-ordinate, though less powerful state: but pre-eminence and dignity were due to England; it was she alone that must bear the weight and burthen of empire; she alone must pour out the ocean of wealth necessary for the defence of it. Ireland and other parts might empty their little urns to swell the tide; they might wield their puny tridents; but the great trident that was to move the world, must be grasped by England aloneand dearly it cost her to hold it. Independence of legisla ture had been granted to Ireland; but no other independence could Great Britain give her without reversing the order and decree of nature. Ireland could not be separated from England; she could not exist without her; she must for ever remain under the protection of England, her guardian angel. From these principles, he trusted the committee would perceive, that in what he should say, he was influenced solely by the desire of promoting the joint interest of the two kingdoms.

Mr. Burke then returned to the hereditary revenue. He said that he should be sorry if it were to be so understood, that what was now to be done for Ireland should be conditional, viz. that there should be a surplus of the hereditary revenue, and that it should be applied towards the support of the navy; for he was very much afraid that no such surplus would ever exist, and he would state his reasons for this apprehension. The revenue, in the first place, did not produce at present above 630,000l. and when the expense of collecting, the amount of bounties, and drawbacks operating as bounties, should have been deducted, the remainder would be little more than 333,000l. Now, here was so little of a surplus, that there was a deficiency of 323,000l. which would be wanted, not to make a surplus, but to make 656,000l. the sum that must be applied to the support of

Most of

the establishments, before a farthing of surplus could be applied to the support of the navy. Was the right honourable gentleman ready to propose to the Irish parliament, to impose fresh taxes to the amount of 323,000l. a year? He was sure he was not, and that Ireland could not bear such an additional burthen. On what, then, did the right honourable gentleman found his hope of making the reve nue equal to the demand upon it, and superior, too, if a surplus was to be expected? Why, on this- that the increase of trade would increase the hereditary revenue, and swell it to the size required. But a moment's consider, ation would show how delusive such a hope was. the articles on which this revenue was raised could not possibly increase. The old hereditary customs, granted the year after the restoration of Charles II. had not produced more for half a century than they did at the time of the Revolution; tea was not known then, and therefore there was no tax upon it when the hereditary revenue was given to the crown: the inland excise had fallen off very much since the people ceased to drink beer and ale at their breakfast, and had fallen into the fashion of drinking tea. The crown and quit-rents could not possibly be raised one guinea higher; they produced now, as they always had produced, and always would continue to produce, 64,000!, and no more: there was, therefore, little hope that any surplus of the hereditary revenue would or could accrue. He next turned his attention to the manufactures. Ireland, he observed, was not heavily taxed, and owed but a small debt: she had not many resources; but still, with economy, she could make an effort occasionally, that would give this country great relief. But England, on the other hand, was loaded with an enormous weight of debt and taxes: however, she had, in her trade and manufactures, the most astonishing resources: but should these once be taken from her, the immense load of debt would crush her to atoms; at least it would throw her from her rank among the nations around her, and not leave her wherewithal to defend either Ireland or herself. To take from her manu

factures would be to deprive her of her resource, and to effect the ruin of the two kingdoms at once. Ireland, he said, was too prone to indulge in magnificence beyond her strength: she would wish to have dock-yards; she would have fortifications to defend them; she must purchase abroad every crooked, aye, and every straight stick necessary for the building of a frigate; she must have stores, and an immense train of artillery; and she would be completely a bankrupt before she could equip even five frigates. This country, after ages of commerce, was now in possession of what he might call an immense dead stock of stores and guns, purchased with an immensity of treasure: to her, then, would belong the care of fitting out fleets; it should be the business of Ireland to assist her in another way, and it was astonishing how much the latter might do by pursuing a rigid plan of economy. He was sorry to know, that at present, in time of profound peace, she was running in debt, her expences greatly exceeding her income; but he remembered, that in 1753, she had been able to pay off a considerable debt, and had besides a surplus of 260,000l. in her treasury: but, what was truly astonishing, and he had been a witness of it himself, so soon after as 1761, she was enabled, by her prudent system of economy, to keep an army of 24,000 in pay, of which 8,000 were sent by her to fight the battles of Great Britain abroad, whilst 16,000 remained in the kingdom for home defence: she also sent 33,000 recruits, her own natives, at her own expence, to fill up regiments in the British service, and spent above 600,000l. in Germany for the support of the war. This was an effort from which England had reaped the greatest advantage; and such might the future exertions of Ireland be in time of war, if she were to lay down a system of economy in time of peace.

The resolution was agreed to.

AT

MR. BURKE'S ACCUSATION OF MR. HASTINGS.

February 17. 1786.

T the opening of the session, in January 1786, Mr. Burke was called upon by Major Scott, the agent of the late governor-general of Bengal, to produce the criminal charges against Mr. Hastings in such a shape as might enable parliament to enter into a full discussion of his conduct, and come to a final decision upon it. Accordingly, this day Mr. Burke rose and requested that the Journals might be consulted for the 44th and 45th resolutions of the 28th of May, 1782. These were read, and are as follow:

"That for the purpose of conveying entire conviction to the minds of the native princes, that to commence hostilities without just provocation against them, and to pursue schemes of conquest and extent of dominion, are measures repugnant to the wish, the honour, and the policy of this nation, the parliament of Great Britain should give some signal mark of its displeasure against those, in whatever degree entrusted with the charge of the East India Company's affairs, who shall appear wilfully to have adopted or countenanced a system tending to inspire a reasonable distrust of the moderation, justice, and good faith of the British nation.

"That Warren Hastings, Esq. governor-general of Bengal, and William Hornsby, Esq. president of the council at Bombay, having, in sundry instances, acted in a manner repugnant to the honour and policy of this nation, and thereby brought great calamities on India,. and enormous expenses on the East India Company, it is the duty of the directors of the said Company to pursue all legal and effectual means for the removal of the said governor-general and president from their respective offices, and to recall them to Great Britain."

Mr. BURKE now said, that it was not without consider able uneasiness he discovered that the task of introducing to the attention of the House the solemn and important business of the day was on the point of falling to his lot,