177

ρίαις ἡδονῆς καὶ χάριτος τὸ τῆς πόλεως συμφέρον ἀνταλλαττόμενοι· διόπερ ῥᾷόν ἐστι καὶ ἀσφαλέστερον ἀεὶ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ὑπηρετοῦντα μισθαρνεῖν ἢ τὴν ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν ἑλόμενον τάξιν πολιτεύεσθαι.

15

Καὶ τὸ μὲν δὴ πρὸ τοῦ πολεμεῖν φανερῶς συναγωνίζεσθαι Φιλίππῳ δεινὸν μὲν, ὦ γῆ καὶ θεοὶ, πῶς γὰρ οὔ; κατὰ τῆς πατρίδος· δότε δ', εἰ βούλεσθε, δότε αὐτῷ τοῦτο. 274 ἀλλ ̓ ἐπειδὴ φανερῶς ἤδη τὰ πλοῖα ἐσεσύλητο, Χερρόνησος ἐπορθεῖτο, ἐπὶ τὴν ̓Αττικὴν ἐπορεύεθ ̓ ἄνθρωπος, οὐκέτ ̓ ἐν ἀμφισβητησίμῳ τὰ πράγματα ἦν, ἀλλ ̓ ἐνειστήκει πόλεμος, 178 ὅ τι μὲν πώποτ ̓ ἔπραξεν ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν ὁ βάσκανος οὗτος 5 ἰαμβειοφάγος, οὐκ ἂν ἔχοι δεῖξαι, οὐδ ̓ ἔστιν οὔτε μεῖζον οὔτ ̓ ἔλαττον ψήφισμα οὐδὲν Αἰσχίνῃ ὑπὲρ τῶν συμφερόν των τῇ πόλει. εἰ δέ φησι, νῦν δειξάτω ἐν τῷ ἐμῷ ὕδατι. ἀλλ ̓ οὐκ ἔστιν οὐδέν. καίτοι δυοῖν αὐτὸν ἀνάγκη θάτερον,

ἢ μηδὲν τοῖς πραττομένοις ὑπ ̓ ἐμοῦ τότ ̓ ἔχοντ ̓ ἐγκαλεῖν μὴ 10

ἀνταλλαττόμενοι] • bartering the interests of the city for your pleasure and gratification in hearing abuse.'

τὴν ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν . . . πολιτεύεσθαι] than to take up his position on your side as a public man.'

ἐπειδὴ . . . τὰ πλοῖα ἐσεσύλητο] Comp. § 89. This was in B.c. 341-340. The march towards Attica was in B. C. 339 (October and November), when Philip, after being appointed commander-in-chief by the Amphictyonic Council to act against Locris, seized upon and re-fortified Elateia in Phocis, with the avowed intention of attacking Attica. Grote xi. 668.

οὐκέτ ̓ ἐν ἀμφισβητησίμῳ] ‘when affairs were no longer in a state admitting of doubt.'

ὅ τι μὲν . . . ἰαμβειοφάγος] “what this malignant mouther of iambics ever did for you, he would not be able to show. Some grammarians explain ἰαμβειοφάγος by ὑβριστής, φιλολοίδορος, as referring to the use of the Iambic metre in scurrilous verses. Thus Etym. Mag. : Ιαμβοφάγος" λοίδορος, ἐπειδὴ ἴαμβος ἔμμετρός ἐστι λοιδορία. But it is better to understand it as an allusion to the former profession of Aeschines, and his recitation of Iambics as an actor. This explanation also is suggested in the Etym. Mag. (s. v.) thus:

μέμνηται Δημοσθένης ἐν τῷ περὶ τοῦ
Στεφάνου, τάχα καὶ παραπαίζων εἰς τὸν
Αἰσχίνην, ὅτι τὰ ἰαμβεῖα τῆς τραγῳδίας
ἔλεγεν ὑποκριτὴς ὤν.

ἐν τῷ ἐμῷ ὕδατι] The plaintiff and de-
fendant had a certain time allotted to
each for their speeches. (Aesch. c. Ctes.
198. Aristoph. Ach. v. 700.) This was
determined by the trickling of a certain
quantity of water through the narrow tube
of a water-glass, just as we count minutes
by a sand-glass. An officer of the court
stood by the glass, and stopped its running
whenever a witness was called, or a docu-
ment read. Hence ἐν τῷ ἐμῷ ὕδατι, * in
the time allotted to me.' Hence also the
joke against the sobriety of Demosthenes,
'that other men spoke by water, but he
composed by it.'

καίτοι . . . θάτερον] The construction
is: ἀνάγκη [ἐστὶν] αὐτὸν, δυοῖν θάτερον,
ή...μὴ γράφειν . . . ἢ μὴ φέρειν.
• One
of two things must be: either by reason
of his not then having any fault to find
with my acts, he abstained from proposing
other measures contrary to them, or that
while pursuing the interests of our ene-
mies, he refrained from bringing forward
measures better than mine.' Mr. Ken-
nedy reproduces the prominence of autóv
thus: he is reduced to an alternative,
either he had no fault. . . or...

γράφειν παρὰ ταῦθ ̓ ἕτερα, ἢ τὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν συμφέρον ζητοῦντα μὴ φέρειν εἰς μέσον τὰ τούτων ἀμείνω.

179 Αρ ̓ οὖν οὐδ ̓ ἔλεγεν, ὥσπερ οὐδ ̓ ἔγραφεν, ἡνίκα ἐργάσασθαί τι δέοι κακὸν ὑμᾶς ; οὐ μὲν οὖν ἦν εἰπεῖν ἑτέρῳ. καὶ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα καὶ φέρειν ἠδύναθ', ὡς ἔοικεν, ἡ πόλις καὶ ποιῶν 15 οὗτος λανθάνειν· ἓν δ ̓ ἐπεξειργάσατο, ὦ ἄνδρες Αθηναῖοι, τοιοῦτον, ὃ πᾶσι τοῖς προτέροις ἐπέθηκε τέλος· περὶ οὗ τοὺς πολλοὺς ἀνάλωσε λόγους, τὰ τῶν ̓Αμφισσέων τῶν Λοκρῶν διεξιών δόγματα, ὡς διαστρέψων τἀληθές. τὸ δ' οὐ τοιοῦτόν ἐστι. πόθεν; οὐδέποτε ἐκνίψῃ σὺ τἀκεῖ 20 πεπραγμένα σαυτῷ· οὐχ οὕτω πολλὰ ἐρεῖς.

180

181

Καλῶ δ ̓ ἐναντίον ὑμῶν, ὦ ἄνδρες ̓Αθηναῖοι, τοὺς θεοὺς πάντας καὶ πάσας, ὅσοι τὴν χώραν ἔχουσι τὴν ̓Αττικὴν, καὶ τὸν ̓Απόλλω τὸν Πύθιον, ὃς πατρῷός ἐστι τῇ πόλει, καὶ ἐπεύχομαι πᾶσι τούτοις, εἰ μὲν ἀληθῆ πρὸς ὑμᾶς 25 εἴποιμι καὶ εἶπον τότ ̓ εὐθὺς ἐν τῷ δήμῳ, ὅτε πρῶτον εἶδον τουτονὶ τὸν μιαρὸν τούτου τοῦ πράγματος ἁπτόμενον 275 (ἔγνων γὰρ, εὐθέως ἔγνων), εὐτυχίαν μοι δοῦναι καὶ σωτηρίαν, εἰ δὲ πρὸς ἔχθραν ἢ φιλονεικίας ἰδίας ἕνεκ ̓ αἰτίαν ἐπάγω τούτῳ ψευδῆ, πάντων τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀνόνητόν με ποιῆσαι.

Τί οὖν ταῦτ ̓ ἐπήραμαι καὶ διετεινάμην οὑτωσὶ σφοδρῶς ;

Αρ ̓ οὖν οὐδ ̓ . . . ἔγραφεν] ' did he then abstain from speaking also, as he refrained from proposing, when some mischief was to be worked against you? No indeed, rather no one else could speak. Οὐ μὲν οὖν - 'imo vero.'

ἐν δ ̓ . . . τέλος] one thing he did at last, which put the finishing stroke to his former achievements. Comp. c. Meid. § 26: δύο ταῦτα ὡσπερεί κεφάλαια ἐφ' ἅπασι τοῖς ἑαυτῷ νεανιευμένοις ἐπέθηκεν. τὰ τῶν . . . Λοκρών] the decrees (i. e. of the Amphictyonic Council) concerning the Amphissian Locrians.' Thus Thucyd. i. 140 : τὸ Μεγαρέων ψήφισμα.

4

τὸ δ ̓ οὐ τοιοῦτόν ἐστι] · whereas this is not so.' Plato very often uses rò dé in the same way.

ὃς πατρῷος] who is the father-god of our city. The ancient Attic king Ion

was called the son of the Pythian god, probably in consequence of the Ionians having adopted the worship of that deity from the Dorians, and the Athenians had πατρῷοι θυσίαι at Delphi. Dem. Epist. p. 1481. Harpocration (s. v. 'Απόλλων) says: τὸν ̓Απόλλωνα κοινῶς πατρῷον τιμῶσιν ̓Αθηναῖοι ἀπὸ Ἴωνος· τούτου γὰρ οἰκίσαντος τὴν ̓Αττικὴν, ὡς ̓Αριστοτέλης φησὶ, τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους Ιωνας κληθῆναι καὶ Απόλλω πατρῷον αὐτοῖς ὀνομασθῆναι. Müller (Dorians ii. 2, § 15) also thinks it possible that he was called Tarpĝos as being the god of the wárpa of the Ionians.

τούτου . . . ἁπτόμενον] 'putting his hand to this work.'

Τί οὖν . . . σφοδρῶς ; ] • Why then have I made these imprecations and asseverations thus energetically?'

5

ὅτι καὶ γράμματ ̓ ἔχων ἐν τῷ δημοσίῳ κείμενα, ἐξ ὧν ταῦτ ̓ ἐπιδείξω σαφῶς, καὶ ὑμᾶς εἰδὼς τὰ πεπραγμένα μνημο νεύοντας, ἐκεῖνο φοβοῦμαι, μὴ τῶν εἰργασμένων αὐτῷ κακῶν ὑποληφθῇ οὗτος ἐλάττων· ὅπερ πρότερον συνέβη, 10 ὅτε τοὺς ταλαιπώρους Φωκέας ἐποίησεν ἀπολέσθαι τὰ 182 ψευδῆ δεῦρ ̓ ἀπαγγείλας. τὸν γὰρ ἐν ̓Αμφίσσῃ πόλεμον, δι ̓ ὃν εἰς Ελάτειαν ἦλθε Φίλιππος καὶ δι ̓ ὃν ᾑρέθη τῶν ̓Αμφικτυόνων ἡγεμὼν, ὃς ἅπαντ ̓ ἀνέτρεψε τὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων, οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ συγκατασκευάσας καὶ πάντων εἷς 15 183 ἀνὴρ τῶν μεγίστων αἴτιος κακῶν. καὶ τότ ̓ εὐθὺς ἐμοῦ διαμαρτυρομένου καὶ βοῶντος ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ “ πόλεμον εἰς τὴν ̓Αττικὴν εἰσάγεις, Αἰσχίνη, πόλεμον ̓Αμφικτυονικόν” οἱ μὲν ἐκ παρακλήσεως συγκαθήμενοι οὐκ εἴων με λέγειν, οἱ δ ̓ ἐθαύμαζον καὶ κενὴν αἰτίαν διὰ τὴν ἰδίαν 20 184 ἔχθραν ἐπάγειν με ὑπελάμβανον αὐτῷ. ἥτις δ ̓ ἡ φύσις, ὦ ἄνδρες Αθηναῖοι, γέγονε τούτων τῶν πραγμάτων, καὶ τίνος ἕνεκα ταῦτα συνεσκευάσθη καὶ πῶς ἐπράχθη, νῦν ἀκούσατε, ἐπειδὴ τότε ἐκωλύθητε· καὶ γὰρ εὖ πρᾶγμα συντεθὲν

ἔχων ... καὶ ... εἰδώς] ‘though I have and though I know.'

μὴ . . . οὗτος ἐλάττων] • lest this man should be thought too insignificant to have accomplished the evils done by him.' ἐν ̓Αμφίσσῃ] Amphissa was a town of the Locri Ozolae, on the borders of Phocis, and about sixty stadia from Delphi. Elateia was the largest town in the N.E. of Phocis, on the borders of the Epicnemidian Locris, and commanded the passes into Thessaly and the south of Greece by Alpenos. It was only eighty miles from Athens. Strabo ix. 639 c. describes it thus: πασῶν μεγίστη τῶν ἐνταῦθα πόλεων καὶ ἐπικαιροτάτη διὰ τὸ ἐπικεῖσθαι τοῖς στενοῖς καὶ τὸν ἔχοντα ταύτην ἔχειν τὰς εἰσβολὰς τὰς εἰς τὴν Φωκίδα καὶ τὴν Βοιωτίαν. It may be observed that τὸν γὰρ ἐν ̓Αμφίσσῃ πόλεμον, δι ̓ ἂν εἰς Ἐλάτειαν, is hexametric.

immediately after the return of Aeschines
from his mission as a deputy to the Am-
phictyonic Assembly, which upon his
instigation had tumultuously attacked the
Amphissian cultivators of the consecrated
plain of Cirrha. The war which resulted
therefrom was called the Third Sacred
War, and continued from B.c. 339 to
B.C. 338.
Aesch. c. Ctes. p. 70. Grote

xi. 650.

'His

οἱ μὲν ... συγκαθήμενοι] • his partizans who sat with him at his call.' packed party. C. R. Κ. Παράκλητοι (= advocati) were friends and supporters who had been solicited to attend any one upon a trial or in the assembly, to give him countenance and support when addressing the court or the people. So F. L. § 1 : αἱ τῶν παρακλητῶν αὗται δεήσεις. Amongst the Romans "the 'advocatus' was defined by Ulpian (Dig. 50, tit. 13) to be any person who aids another in the conduct of a suit or action" (Mr. Long, Dict. of Antiq.), and, according to Mr. Drake, "the word advocatio' came to have the technical meaning of 'time granted by the praetor for a man to summon his friends.""

τότε ἐκωλύθητε] Nevertheless we are

185

ὄψεσθε, καὶ μεγάλα ὠφελήσεσθε πρὸς ἱστορίαν τῶν κοινῶν, 25 καὶ ὅση δεινότης ἦν ἐν τῷ Φιλίππῳ θεάσεσθε.

Οὐκ ἦν τοῦ πρὸς ὑμᾶς πολέμου πέρας οὐδ ̓ ἀπαλλαγὴ Φιλίππῳ, εἰ μὴ Θηβαίους καὶ Θετταλοὺς ἐχθροὺς ποιήσειε 276 τῇ πόλει· ἀλλὰ καίπερ ἀθλίως καὶ κακῶς τῶν στρατηγῶν τῶν ὑμετέρων πολεμούντων αὐτῷ ὅμως ὑπ ̓ αὐτοῦ τοῦ πολέμου καὶ τῶν λῃστῶν μυρία ἔπασχε κακά. οὔτε γὰρ ἐξήγετο τῶν ἐκ τῆς χώρας γιγνομένων οὐδὲν οὔτ ̓ εἰσήγετο 5 186 ὧν ἐδεῖτ ̓ αὐτῷ· ἦν δὲ οὔτ ̓ ἐν τῇ θαλάττῃ τότε κρείττων ὑμῶν οὔτ ̓ εἰς τὴν ̓Αττικὴν ἐλθεῖν δυνατὸς μήτε Θετταλῶν ἀκολουθούντων μήτε Θηβαίων διιέντων συνέβαινε δὲ αὐτῷ τῷ πολέμῳ κρατοῦντι τοὺς ὁποιουσδήποθ ̓ ὑμεῖς ἐξεπέμπετε στρατηγοὺς (ἐω γὰρ τοῦτό γε) αὐτῇ τῇ φύσει τοῦ τόπου καὶ 10 187 τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ἑκατέροις κακοπαθεῖν· εἰ μὲν οὖν τῆς ἰδίας ἕνεκ ̓ ἔχθρας ἢ τοὺς Θετταλοὺς ἢ τοὺς Θηβαίους συμπείθοι βαδίζειν ἐφ' ὑμᾶς, οὐδένα ἡγεῖτο προσέξειν αὐτῷ τὸν νοῦν ἐὰν δὲ τὰς ἐκείνων κοινὰς προφάσεις λαβὼν ἡγεμὼν αἱρεθῇ, ῥᾷον ἤλπιζε τὰ μὲν παρακρούσεσθαι, τὰ δὲ πείσειν. τί 15 οὖν; ἐπιχειρεῖ, θεάσασθ ̓ ὡς εὖ, πόλεμον ποιῆσαι τοῖς ̓Αμφι

told by Aeschines (c. Ctes. § 127) that his rival had sufficient influence and ad dress to prevent the Athenians from adopting the determinations of the Amphictyonic Council, and participating in the measures adopted by it against Amphissa.

πρὸς ἱστορίαν τῶν κοινῶν] ‘for an investigation of public affairs.'

καὶ τῶν λῃστῶν] the plunderers' or • marauders. By λησταί are meant irregular bands detached from the main army, and acting as guerilla parties against an enemy. See Xen. Hell. iv. 8 35: Αναξί. βιος καὶ Ἰφικράτης λῃστὰς διαπέμποντες ἐπολεμοῦντο ἀλλήλοις.

party. With τῇ φύσει τοῦ τόπου compare (c. Phil. i. p. 93) τὸν τόπον τῆς χώρας, and (Diod. Sicul. i. 42) τὴν τοποθεσίαν τῆς χώρας.

εἰ . . . συμπείθοι] The optative mood of a contingency not expected to be realized, whereas the subjunctive in alρεθῇ is used for one intended to be brought about.

τὰς ἐκείνων ... λαβών] taking up pretexts in which they were concerned.

...

τὰ μὲν . . . πείσειν] that he would deceive in some cases and persuade in others. Παρακρούεσθαι is literally to give the scales an unfair lift for one's own advantage.' πόλεμον ταραχήν] to get up s war for the Amphictyons and a disturbance about the meeting at Pylae.' The Amphictyonic meeting was called a Pylaea (Πυλαία), and the ordinary representatives of the states which took part in it were called Pylagorae (Πυλαγόρα) or Meeters at Pylae. On this subject Strabo, lib. ix. c. iii. writes thus: αἱ μὲν οὖν πρῶται δώδεκα συνελθεῖν λέγονται πόλεις· ἑκάστη δ' ἔπεμπε Πυλαγόραν, δὶς κατ ̓ ἔτος οὔσης

κτύοσι καὶ περὶ τὴν Πυλαίαν ταραχήν· εἰς γὰρ ταῦτ ̓ εὐθὺς 188 αὐτοὺς ὑπελάμβανεν αὑτοῦ δεήσεσθαι. εἰ μὲν τοίνυν

τοῦτο ἢ τῶν παρ' ἑαυτοῦ πεμπομένων ἱερομνημόνων ἢ τῶν ἐκείνου συμμάχων εἰσηγοῦτό τις, ὑπόψεσθαι τὸ πρᾶγμα 20 ἐνόμιζε καὶ τοὺς Θηβαίους καὶ τοὺς Θετταλοὺς καὶ πάντας φυλάξεσθαι, ἂν δὲ ̓Αθηναῖος ᾖ καὶ παρ ̓ ὑμῶν τῶν ὑπεναν189 τίων ὁ τοῦτο ποιῶν, εὐπόρως λήσειν· ὅπερ συνέβη. πως οὖν ταῦτ ̓ ἐποίησεν; μισθοῦται τουτονί. οὐδενὸς δὲ προειδότος, οἶμαι, τὸ πρᾶγμα οὐδὲ φυλάττοντος, ὥσπερ 25 εἴωθε τὰ τοιαῦτα παρ' ὑμῖν γίγνεσθαι, προβληθεὶς πυλα- 277 γόρας οὗτος καὶ τριῶν ἢ τεττάρων χειροτονησάντων αὐτὸν 190 ανερρήθη. ὡς δὲ τὸ τῆς πόλεως ἀξίωμα λαβὼν ἀφίκετο

τῆς συνόδου, ἔαρός τε καὶ μετοπώρου ὕστερον δὲ καὶ πλείους συνῆλθον πόλεις. Τὴν δὲ σύνοδον Πυλαίαν ἐκάλουν, τὴν μὲν ἐαρινὴν, τὴν δὲ μετοπωρινὴν, ἐπειδὴ ἐν Πύλαις συνήγοντο, ὡς καὶ Θερμοπύλας καλοῦσιν· ἔθνον δὲ τῇ Δήμητρι οἱ Πυλαγόραι. Nevertheless, we know that in the historic times of Greece, they were in the habit of meeting at Delphi, and accordingly Heeren (Polit. Hist. of Greece, c. vii.) says that “the deputies first met at Thermopylae to sacrifice to Ceres, and then proceeded to Delphi, where business was transacted." In agreement with this opinion Professor Malden (Philol. Soc. vi. 1853, No. 133) sensibly explains the matter thus: "I believe that when the council was originally constituted, and long afterwards, the representatives of the confederate nations met, and performed their sacrifices, and did whatever it pertained to them to do, in the temple of Demeter at Anthele, which Herodotus (vii. c. 200) names as their place of meeting, close to Thermopylae. But when they undertook the guardianship of the temple of the Pythian Apollo at Delphi, the care of the temple, and the regulation of its rites, and the protection of its privileges, must have become their chief function: and I believe that then, for the better performance of this business, they transferred their sittings practically to Delphi; only assembling first at Pylae, their original place of meeting, for the sake of performing their ancient sacrifices, and then adjourning to the place where their real business lay. I conjecture also, that it was at the same VOL. I.

time that the deputies distinguished by
the special title of Hieromnemones
(Ιερομνήμονες, Minders of Sacred Mat-
ters), were added to the original Pyla-
gorae.” The very generally received
opinion, as expressed by myself in the
Dict. of Antiq. (s. v. Amphictyons), has
been that the deputies met at Pylae in
autumn, and at Delphi in the spring, but
I am now disposed to agree with Prof.
Malden's views on the subject.

εἰ μὲν . . . ἱερομνημόνων] • But then,
supposing the subject to be introduced by
any of the commissioners for religious
purposes who were sent by himself or his
allies.' Observe again the optative (eio-
ηγοίτο) of an alternative not to be
adopted, and the subjunctive (ἂν δ' Αθη
ναῖος ᾖ) of a contingency intended to be
realized. It will be remembered (p. 114)
that at the close of the Phocian war,
Philip had acquired the right of sending
delegates to the Amphictyonic Council,
by the transfer of the Phocian votes to
himself.

ἂν δ' Αθηναῖος . . . ποιῶν] but should it be an Athenian who did this and one sent from you who were opposed to him.'