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οὐχ ἕξομεν συμμάχους. ἐγὼ δὲ τὸ μὲν κομίσασθαι Ωρω πὸν πειρᾶσθαι δεῖν φημι καὶ αὐτός· τὸ δ' ἐχθροὺς ἡμῖν Λακεδαιμονίους ἔσεσθαι, νῦν ἐὰν ποιώμεθα συμμάχους 25 ̓Αρκάδων τοὺς βουλομένους ἡμῖν εἶναι φίλους, μόνοις οὐδ ̓ εἰπεῖν ἐξεῖναι νομίζω τοῖς πείσασιν ὑμᾶς, ὅτ ̓ ἐκινδύνευον 13 Λακεδαιμόνιοι, βοηθεῖν αὐτοῖς, οἱ γὰρ ταῦτα λέγοντες 205 ἔπεισαν ὑμᾶς πάντων Πελοποννησίων ἐλθόντων ὡς ὑμᾶς καὶ μεθ ̓ ὑμῶν ἀξιούντων ἐπὶ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἰέναι, τοὺς μὲν μὴ προσδέξασθαι (καὶ διὰ τοῦθ ̓, ὅπερ ἦν ὑπόλοιπον αὐτοῖς, ἐπὶ Θηβαίους ἦλθον), ὑπὲρ δὲ τῆς Λακε-5 δαιμονίων σωτηρίας καὶ χρήματ ̓ εἰσφέρειν καὶ τοῖς σώ14 μασι κινδυνεύειν. καίτοι οὐδ ̓ ἂν ὑμεῖς ἠθελήσατε δήπου σώζειν αὐτοὺς, εἰ τοῦτο προἔλεγον ὑμῖν, ὅτι σωθέντες, ἐὰν μὴ ποιεῖν ὅ τι βούλονται πάλιν αὐτοὺς ἐᾶτε καὶ ἀδι15 κεῖν, οὐδεμίαν ὑμῖν χάριν ἕξουσι τῆς σωτηρίας. καὶ μὴν 10 εἰ καὶ σφόδρα ἐναντίον ἐστὶ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίων ἐπιχειρή μασι τὸ τοὺς ̓Αρκάδας ἡμᾶς συμμάχους ποιήσασθαι, προσήκει δήπου πλείω χάριν αὐτοὺς ἔχειν ὧν ἐσώθησαν ὑφ ̓ ἡμῶν εἰς τοὺς ἐσχάτους ἐλθόντες κινδύνους, ἢ ὧν ἀδικεῖν κωλύονται νῦν ὀργίζεσθαι. ὥστε πῶς οὐ βοηθή- 15 σουσιν ὑμῖν ἐπ ̓ Ωρωπὸν, ἢ κάκιστοι πάντων ἀνθρώπων δόξουσιν εἶναι; μὰ τοὺς θεοὺς ἔγωγε οὐχ ὁρῶ.

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Θαυμάζω τοίνυν καὶ τῶν λεγόντων τοῦτον τὸν λόγον, ὡς

ἐγὼ δὲ τὸ μέν] ‘now as for recovering Oropus, I too say myself that we ought to make the attempt; but as for the Lacedaemonians becoming our enemies, I think that they, of all men (μόνοις), are not at liberty even to mention it, who, when the Lacedaemonians were in peril, persuaded you to assist them.'

ἐλθόντων] The preceding πάντων is of course a rhetorical exaggeration: and Xenophon does not allude to the circumstance at all. Perhaps his Spartan sympathies prevented him from mentioning it. But we learn from Diodorus (xv. 62), that two years after the battle of Leuctra (B.c. 369) the Lacedaemonians invaded Arcadia, and took possession of Orchomenus, a city well disposed to them. A battle followed, in which the Arcadians were victorious. But still fearing the power of Sparta, they associated with themselves

the Argives and Eleians, and sent an embassy to Athens for aid. No heed was paid to them (οὐδεὶς αὐτοῖς προσείχε), and so they applied to the Thebans, who readily complied with their request, and despatched a force into the Peloponnesus. The Spartans in their turn were alarmed, and solicited the Athenians to assist them, which they generously did, with a body of 12,000 men under Iphicrates. Xen. Hell. vi. 5. 35. Grote x. 290-323.

πλείω χάριν] “surely they should feel gratitude for having been saved by us when they were in a crisis of extreme danger, more than anger for being hindered in their present wrong-doing.' The construction of ὧν ἀδικεῖν κωλύονται ὀργίζεσθαι is analogous to χάριν έχειν ὧν ἐσώθησαν, as if it had been ὀργὴν ἔχειν.

εἰ συμμάχους ποιησόμεθα ̓Αρκάδας καὶ ταῦτα πράξομεν, μεταβάλλεσθαι δόξει καὶ οὐδὲν ἔχειν πιστὸν ἡ πόλις. 20 ἐμοὶ μὲν γὰρ δοκεῖ τοὐναντίον, ὦ ἄνδρες Αθηναῖοι. διὰ τί; ὅτι τῶν πάντων οὐδένα ἂν ἀντειπεῖν οἶμαι ὡς οὐ καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ πρότερον Θηβαίους καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον Εὐβοέας ἔσωσεν ἡ πόλις, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα συμμάχους 17 ἐποιήσατο, ἕν τι καὶ τὸ αὐτὸ βουλομένη ἀεὶ πράττειν. ἔστι 25 δὲ τοῦτο τί; τοὺς ἀδικουμένους σώζειν. εἰ τοίνυν ταῦθ ̓ οὕτως ἔχει, οὐκέτ ̓ ἂν ἡμεῖς εἴημεν οἱ μεταβαλλόμενοι, ἀλλ ̓ οἱ μὴ θέλοντες τοῖς δικαίοις ἐμμένειν, καὶ φανήσεται τὰ 206 πράγματα ἀεὶ διὰ τοὺς πλεονεκτεῖν βουλομένους μεταβαλλόμενα, οὐχ ἡ πόλις ἡμῶν.

18 Δοκοῦσι δέ μοι Λακεδαιμόνιοι μάλα δεινῶν ἀνθρώπων ἔργον ποιεῖν. νῦν γάρ φασιν ἐκεῖνοι δεῖν Ηλείους μὲν 5 τῆς Τριφυλίας τινὰ κομίσασθαι, Φλιασίους δὲ τὸ Τρικά

μεταβάλλεσθαι] to be inconstant and have no fidelity.'

ὅτι τῶν πάντων] because, as I imagine, no one in the world would maintain that our city did not save both the Lacedaemonians, and before them the Thebans, and most recently the Euboeans, and subsequently make them her allies, from the wish always to pursue one and the same kind of policy.'

πρότερον Θηβαίους] The infamous seizure of the Cadmeia, or citadel of Thebes, by a Spartan commander on his way to Olynthus (B.c. 382), caused a number of Theban exiles, and Pelopidas amongst them, to fly to Athens. Here they concerted measures for their own restoration and the liberation of their country, in which, with the aid of volunteers from Athens, they were successful, and compelled the Spartan garrison to capitulate. The Boeotian war, as it was called, followed (ὁ κληθεὶς Βοιωτικὸς πόλεμος), in which the Athenians were allied with the Thebans against Sparta, and rendered them considerable service. The Athenian troops were commanded by Chabrias. Diod. xv. 25, 26. Xen. Hell.

ν. 2.

Εὐβοέας] In B.c. 358, when the The bans despatched a force to control Euboea, and maintain her supremacy in the cities disposed to throw it off. Comp. De Cherson. § 80, p. 199: Toùs EuBoéas σώζειν, ὅτε Θηβαῖοι κατεδουλοῦντο αὐ

τούς. Timotheus was sent by the Athe-
nians in command of a force, and com-
pelled the Thebans to evacuate the island.
Diod. xvi. 17. Dem. c. Androt. 5 17.

τοὺς ἀδικουμένους σώζειν] Demosthenes frequently dwells upon this as a characteristic of Athenian policy; but in the F. L. § 84, he declares that expediency alone dictated the Athenian interference in behalf of the states here mentioned: οὐδὲ γὰρ Λακεδαιμονίους διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν αὐτῶν ποτ ̓ ἐσώσατε οὐδὲ τοὺς καταρά τους Ευβοέας τουτουσὶ, οὐδ ̓ ἄλλους πολλούς, ἀλλ ̓ ὅτι συμφέρον ἦν σῶς εἶναι τῇ πόλει.

τῆς Τριφυλίας] Triphylia was a small district on the bay of Cyparissia (G. of Arkhadia) on the coast of Peloponnesus, lying between Elis and Messenia, s. of the Alpheius and N. of the Neda. (Polyb. iv. 77.) In ancient times it appears to have been a dependency of the Eleians; but in B.c. 398 it was wrested from them by the Lacedaemonians, who, as they owed the men of Elis a grudge, found it convenient to vindicate the independence of her subject cities in Triphylia. (Xen. Hell. iii. 2. 31.) After the battle of Leuctra, when the power of Sparta was broken, the Eleians re-asserted their supremacy, and refused their assent to the compact entered into at Athens (Hell. vi. 5. 2) by several other states, on the ground that it recognized the independence of Triphylia. But as Diodorus (xv.

ρανον, ἄλλους δέ τινας τῶν ̓Αρκάδων τὴν αὑτῶν καὶ τὸν Ωρωπὸν ἡμᾶς, οὐχ ἵν ̓ ἑκάστους ἡμῶν ἴδωσιν ἔχοντας τὰ ἑαυτῶν, οὐδ ̓ ὀλίγου δεῖ· ὀψὲ γὰρ ἂν φιλάνθρωποι γεγο19 νότες εἶεν· ἀλλ ̓ ἵνα πᾶσι δοκῶσι συμπράττειν ὅπως ἂν 10 ἕκαστοι κομίσωνται ταῦθ ̓ ἅ φασιν αὑτῶν εἶναι, ἵν ̓ ἐπειδὰν ἴωσιν ἐπὶ Μεσσήνην αὐτοὶ, συστρατεύωνται πάντες αὐτοῖς οὗτοι καὶ βοηθῶσι προθύμως, ἢ δοκῶσιν ἀδικεῖν, περὶ ὧν ἔφασαν ἕκαστοι σφῶν αὐτῶν εἶναι συμψήφους λαβόντες 20 ἐκείνους, μὴ τὴν ὁμοίαν αὐτοῖς χάριν ἀποδιδόντες. ἐγὼ δὲ 15 νομίζω τὴν πόλιν πρῶτον μὲν καὶ χωρὶς τοῦ καθυφεῖναί τινας Λακεδαιμονίοις ̓Αρκάδων Ωρωπὸν ἂν κομίσασθαι καὶ μετ ̓ ἐκείνων, ἂν τὰ δίκαια ποιεῖν ἐθέλωσι, καὶ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν οὐκ οἰομένων δεῖν Θηβαίους ἐᾶν ἔχειν τὰ 21 ἀλλότρια. εἰ δ ̓ ἄρα τοῦτ ̓ εὔδηλον ἡμῖν γένοιτο, ὅτι μὴ 20 Λακεδαιμονίους ἐῶντες τὴν Πελοπόννησον καταστρέψασθαι οὐχ οἷοί τε ἐσόμεθα Ωρωπὸν λαβεῖν, αἱρετώτερον, εἰ οἷόν τ ̓ εἰπεῖν, ἡγοῦμαι τὸν Ωρωπὸν ἐὰν ἢ Λακεδαιμονίοις Μεσσήνην προέσθαι καὶ Πελοπόννησον. οὐ γὰρ ἂν

77) informs us, the sovereignty of this country had, ἐκ πολλῶν χρόνων, been disputed by Elis and Arcadia; and in B.c. 366, it appears that the Arcadians were in possession of it. Probably the Triphylians had appealed to them for protection, now that Sparta was no longer able to assist her neighbours. The result was a war between Elis and Arcadia, in consequence of some exiles of the latter country having assisted the Eleians to take Lasion, a town on the N. of the Alpheius, which anciently belonged to them, but which was then incorporated with the Arcadians (συντελοῦντα ἐς τὸ ̓Αρκαδικόν). In this the Arcadians were for the most part successful, though the Eleians were now assisted by the Spartans, whom an identity of interests had attached to them. In fact, Sparta claimed the same rights over Messenia that Elis did over Triphylia; and, as Demosthenes says, it was for her interests, and to establish a principle and a precedent advantageous to his own country, that Archidamus proposed his plan of the restoration of the ancient rights of other communities. Xen. Hell. vii. 4. 12 and 20. Comp. Paus. v. 5. 3. Thucyd. v. 31. Grote x. 429-431.

Τρικάρανον] This was a hill near Phlius, occupied (B.c. 370-369) and fortified by the Argives as a basis of operations against that town, which continued a faithful ally of Sparta even after the misfortune at Leuctra. (Xen. Hell. vii. 2.) Indeed, her fidelity to Sparta was the cause of the hostility of the Argives and other allies of Thebes, and hence it was very natural for Archidamus to propose the restoration to her of a place which she had lost through devotion to his own country. Phlius lay nearly s. of Sicyon and s.w. of Corinth. Xenophon (l. c.) describes Τρικάρανον as ἐν τῷ Φλιοῦντι τὸ ὑπὲρ τοῦ Ἡραίου.

οὐδ ̓ ὀλίγου δεῖ] ἀλλὰ πολλοῦ, Wolf. Very far from it."

περὶ ὧν] • if they do not make a return of the like kindness to them, after having had their concurrence in respect of what they severally asserted to belong to themselves.'

ἐγὼ δὲ νομίζω] • but my opinion is, first, that the city may, even without sacrificing any of the Arcadians, regain Oropus. εἶ δ ̓ ἄρα, ' and if, in the second place.'

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ἡγοῦμαι περὶ τούτου μόνον ἡμῖν εἶναι τὸν λόγον προς 25 ἐκείνους. ἀλλ ̓ ἐάσω τό γ ̓ ἐπελθὸν εἰπεῖν μοι· περὶ πολλῶν δ ̓ ἂν οἶμαι κίνδυνον ἡμῖν γενέσθαι.

̓Αλλὰ μὴν ἅ γέ φασι πεπρᾶχθαι διὰ Θηβαίους τοῖς 207 Μεγαλοπολίταις ὑπεναντία πρὸς ἡμᾶς, ἄτοπον νῦν μὲν ἐν κατηγορίας μέρει ποιεῖσθαι, βουλομένων δὲ γενέσθαι φί23 λων αὐτῶν, ἵνα τοὐναντίον εὖ ποιῶσιν ἡμᾶς, βασκαίνειν καὶ σκοπεῖν ἐξ ὅτου τρόπου μὴ γενήσονται, καὶ μὴ γιγνώ- 5 σκειν ὅτι ὅσῳ ἂν σπουδαιοτέρους τούτους περὶ Θηβαίους γεγενημένους ἀποδείξωσι, τοσούτῳ πλείονος ὀργῆς αὐτοὶ δικαίως ἂν τυγχάνοιεν, εἰ τοιούτων συμμάχων τὴν πόλιν, ὅτ ̓ ἐφ' ὑμᾶς προτέρους ἦλθον ἢ Θηβαίους, ἀπεστέρησαν. ἀλλ ̓, οἶμαι, ταῦτα μέν ἐστι δεύτερον ἀνθρώπων βουλο-10 24 μένων ἑτέρων ποιῆσαι τούτους συμμάχους. ἐγὼ δὲ οἶδα, ὅσα ἂν ἐκ λογισμοῦ σκοπῶν τις εἰκάσαι, καὶ τοὺς πολλοὺς οἶμαι ὑμῶν ταὐτὰ φήσειν, ὅτι, εἰ λήψονται Μεγάλην πόλιν Λακεδαιμόνιοι, κινδυνεύσει Μεσσήνη· εἰ δὲ καὶ ταύτην 25 λήψονται, φημὶ ἡμᾶς ἔσεσθαι συμμάχους Θηβαίων. πολὺ 15 δὴ κάλλιον καὶ ἄμεινον τὴν μὲν Θηβαίων συμμαχίαν αὐτοὺς παραλαβεῖν, τῇ δὲ Λακεδαιμονίων πλεονεξίᾳ μὴ ἐπιτρέψαι, ἢ νῦν ὀκνοῦντας μὴ τοὺς Θηβαίων σώσωμεν συμμάχους, τούτους μὲν προέσθαι, πάλιν δὲ σώζειν αὐτοὺς

περὶ τούτου] “ Malim de Oropo intelligere. Sensus: non hoc solum oppido sed multis aliis periclitabimur.” Schäfer.

ἀλλ ̓ ἐάσω] ' I will however omit what it had indeed occurred to me to say: but I think we shall be endangered in many respects.'

ὑπεναντία πρὸς ἡμᾶς] Megalopolis was founded under the protection of Thebes, and therefore its inhabitants naturally joined the army of Epaminondas, when he invaded Peloponnesus (B.c. 362), and defeated the Spartans at Mantineia. In this campaign the Athenians, as allies of Sparta, may have suffered from the Me galopolitans as allies of Thebes. Xen. Hell. vii. 5 5.

βασκαίνειν] ' to be censorious, and look for a plea by which they may be rejected.' τοσούτῳ πλείονος] ' the more justly would they themselves incur your anger, for depriving the city of such allies when they applied to you before the Thebans.' By αὐτοὶ are meant those partizans of

Sparta, who had on a previous occasion persuaded the Athenians to reject the solicitations and offers of Megalopolis, and who were again advocating the same policy. The construction τυγχάνοιεν, εἰ

ἀπεστέρησαν, is like that of θαυμάζω εἰ, where we might expect ὅτι.

ἑτέρων ποιῆσαι] If the emphasis be laid on érépwv the sense will be plain: but as it appears to me, these are the proceedings of men who wish again to make these persons the allies of others.'

ὅσα ἄν] ‘so far as a man may conjecture by inference and observation.' Jacobs: ' so weit man etwas aus Gründen mit Wahrscheinlichkeit muthmassen kann.'

αὐτοὺς παραλαβεῖν] ' to adopt of our own accord the alliance of the Thebans.' ὀκνοῦντας μὴ .. . σώσωμεν] ' from reluctance to save.'

πάλιν δὲ σώζειν] and have afterwards to save the Thebans themselves.'

τοὺς Θηβαίους, καὶ προσέτι ἐν φόβῳ καθεστάναι περὶ 20 26 ἡμῶν αὐτῶν. οὐ γὰρ ἔγωγ ̓ ἀδεὲς τοῦθ ̓ ὑπολαμβάνω τῇ πόλει, τὸ λαβεῖν Μεγάλην πόλιν Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ πάλιν γενέσθαι μεγάλους. ὁρῶ γὰρ αὐτοὺς καὶ νῦν οὐχ ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ παθεῖν τι κακὸν πόλεμον ἀραμένους, ἀλλ ̓ ὑπὲρ τοῦ κομίσασθαι τὴν πρότερον οὖσαν ἑαυτοῖς δύναμιν· ὧν δ ̓, 25 ὅτ ̓ ἐκείνην εἶχον, ὠρέγοντο, ταῦθ' ὑμεῖς μᾶλλον ἴσως εἰδότες ἢ ἐγὼ φοβοῖσθ ̓ ἂν εἰκότως.

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Ηδέως δ ̓ ἂν πυθοίμην τῶν λεγόντων καὶ τοὺς Θηβαίους μισεῖν φασκόντων καὶ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, πότερα ἑκά- 208 τεροι μισοῦσιν, οὓς δὴ μισοῦσιν, ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν καὶ τοῦ συμφέροντος ὑμῖν, ἢ ὑπὲρ μὲν Λακεδαιμονίων Θηβαίους, ὑπὲρ δὲ Θηβαίων Λακεδαιμονίους ἑκάτεροι· εἰ μὲν γὰρ ὑπὲρ ἐκείνων, οὐδετέροις ὡς μαινομένοις πείθεσθαι προσήκει· εἰ 5 δ ̓ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν φήσουσι, τί πέρα τοῦ καιροῦ τοὺς ἑτέρους 28 ἐπαίρουσιν ; ἔστι γὰρ, ἔστι Θηβαίους ταπεινοὺς ποιεῖν ἄνευ τοῦ Λακεδαιμονίους ἰσχυροὺς καθιστάναι, καὶ πολύ γε ῥᾷον· ὡς δ ̓, ἐγὼ πειράσομαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς εἰπεῖν. ἴσμεν ἅπαντες τοῦθ ̓, ὅτι τὰ μὲν δίκαια πάντες, ἐὰν καὶ μὴ βού- 10 λωνται, μέχρι τού γε αἰσχύνονται μὴ πράττειν, τοῖς δ ̓ ἀδικοῦσιν ἐναντιοῦνται φανερῶς, ἄλλως τε κἄν τινες βλάπτωνται· καὶ τοῦτο λυμαινόμενον πάνθ ̓ εὑρήσομεν, καὶ ταύτην ἀρχὴν οὖσαν πάντων τῶν κακῶν, τὸ μὴ ἐθέλειν 29 τὰ δίκαια πράττειν ἁπλῶς. ἵνα τοίνυν μὴ τοῦτο ἐμποδὼν 15

ταῦθ ̓ ὑμεῖς] this perhaps you may know better than I do, and therefore have good reason to be alarmed.' By ὑμεῖς, Demosthenes, himself a young man, means his seniors.

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φασκόντων] This is of course stronger word than λεγόντων. Translate: those who say and give it out that they hate.' And as he means not that the same people hate both the Lacedaemonians and the Thebans, but some one people and some the other, therefore he afterwards uses ἑκάτεροι and οὐδετέροις.

τί . . . ἐπαίρουσιν;] ‘why would they aggrandize either people unduly?'

τοῖς δ ̓ ἀδικοῦσιν] The reading of the majority of MSS. Dindorf reads τοῖς δ ̓ ἀδίκοις, from S, as an antithesis to τὰ μὲν δίκαια.

καὶ τοῦτο] and this is what we shall

find to mar every thing, and to be the origin of all evils, — namely, the unwillingness to do justice in sincerity.' A maxim which diplomatists and statesmen would find it more advantageous to act upon than any considerations of policy without honesty.

τοῦτο ἐμποδών] Justice plainly demanded the restoration of all suppressed nationalities and annihilated cities in Greece; nor could the Thebans, with any consistency, uphold the restoration of the Messenians as an independent power, while they opposed the re-establishment of Thespiae, Orchomenus, and Plataeae, because it would diminish their own power and humble themselves. Demosthenes therefore says, in order that this principle of consistent justice may not prevent the humiliation of Thebes, let

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