probable, it formed a companion statue to the other, it may have represented Artemisia, and have formed one of the figures of the quadriga. Unfortunately the head has been broken off, and is not yet recovered. (e) The colossal seated figure proves to be that of a draped female in a chair, which Mr. N. thinks "not inferior in its exceedingly grand style of sculpture to the pedimental sculptures in the Elgin room." The arrangement of all these figures is of course quite conjectural; but from the variety and abundance of the remains, it is evident that the Mausoleum, like other great ancient monuments, was elaborately ornamented with statuary and other sculpture, a fact indeed already known from history. For Lucian (Dialog. Mortuor. xxiv.) says, that no "monument in the world was equal to it in magnitude or beauty, nor so beautifully embellished with men and horses copied to the life in the finest marble” (μνῆμα παμμέγεθες ἔχων ἐπικείμενον ἡλίκον οὐκ ἄλλος νεκρός, οὐδὲ οὕτως ἐς κάλλος ἐξησκημένον ἵππων καὶ ἀνδρῶν ἐς τὸ ἀκριβέστατον εἰκασμένων λίθου τοῦ καλλίστου, οἷον οὐδὲ νεών εὕροι τις ἂν ῥᾳδίως). This was written about A.D. 170, but the tomb existed as a wonder even in the 12th century; for Eustathius (i. 1298. Il. y. v. 256) wrote of it: ὁ μὲν τοῦ Μαυσώλου μάλα πολλὸς τάφος ἄκρως περιείργασται, καὶ θαῦμα καὶ ἦν καὶ ἔστιν. Afterwards it was probably overthrown by an earthquake, and the principal sculptures covered with débris from the mountain, a supposition suggested by the locality, as well as by the wide dispersion of the fragments,, and the distances to which they were hurled. Then (A.D. 1404) the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem having established themselves at Rhodes ("s'estans retirés à Rhodes," says Guichard), took possession of Halicarnassus, and used the materials of the Mausoleum to build the castle of San Pietro, from which some derive Boudroum. A German knight named Henry Schlegelholt is mentioned by Fontanus (de Bello Rhod. lib. ii. k. 1) of Bruges as the leader in the spoliation. Again, when (A.D. 1522) the Turks were about to attack Rhodes, the Grand Master knowing the importance of the place then known as Mesy (Mylasa ?), sent some of the knights to repair this castle of Boudroum. Their proceedings are described by Claude Guichard of Lyons (Funérailles des Rommains iii. 5, 378-381), and according to his record, these Christian knights did not spare the pagan monuments. They wanted lime, and so 66 pour avoir de la chaux ils firent abbattre et prendre pour cest effect certaines marches de marbre blanc," which had evidently formed the steps of the pyramid. Digging below the surface, they discovered "une ouverture comme pour pour rem entrer dans un cave: ils deualèrent dedans, où ils treuuèrent une belle grande salle carrée, embellie tour au tour de colonnes de marbre avec leurs bases chapiteaux architraves frises et cornices gravées et taillées en demy bosse." Between the columns were "sculptures conformes au reste de l'œuure." All this, says Guichard, "ayans admiré de prime face, en fin ils defirent, brisèrent, et rompirent, pour s'en servir comme ils avoyent fait du demeurant" (the rest), i. e. to repair their castle with. "Ainsi," adds the record, "ce superbe sepulchre, après avoir eschappé la fureur des Barbares, et demeuré l'espace de 1870 ans debout, du moins enseveli dedans les ruines de la ville d'Halicarnassus fut découvert, et aboli parer le chasteau de S. Pierre, par les chevaliers arrivés de Rhodes, lesquels en furent incontinent après chassés par le Turc, et de toute l'Asie quant et quant." But in the walls of their castle portions of the frieze and of the lions of the Mausoleum remained as built in by the knights till A.D. 1846, when permission was obtained by Lord Stratford de Redcliffe for their removal to England. Several of the fragments of the lions recently sent over by Mr. Newton, were also taken from the same building, under a firman obtained by his lordship. A portion of frieze, corresponding in scale, style, and subject, was also found in 1849, in the palace of the Marchese di Negro, at Genoa, a cast of which in the British Museum proves that it formerly belonged to the Mausoleum. (Annali dell' Instituto Di Corrispondenza Archaeologica, v. 74. 1849.) says: The subject as already stated represents a battle between the Greeks and the Amazons, and the entire length of the original slabs, now in England, is at least 80 feet, of which Mr. Newton "No museum in Europe can show so magnificent a series of high reliefs as this will form." Casts of the portions of frieze removed in 1846 may also be seen at the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Other interesting details are given in the Classical Museum (July, 1847, No. XVI.), and in the Museum of Class. Antiq. i. 157. Each of the articles contains a conjectural design of the original Mausoleum, one by Professor Cockerell, the other by Mr. Falkener. A second "study according to the idea in the Class. Mus., and from the measurements of the fragments recently excavated," has been lately published by the Professor, on which we may remark, that Guichard (1. c.) appears to be a sufficient authority for placing sculptures between the columns. The lions might have been placed at the angles of the basement and elsewhere around it. A third design is given by Lieut. Smith, R.E., of the general plan of which (see p. 353) Mr. N. observes: "I am of opinion that it approximates more nearly to the true form of the edifice, and can be more satisfactorily reconciled with the measurements of Pliny than any restoration of it hitherto (A.D. 1857) published." But the quadriga at the top is, I conceive, an inadequate representation of the original, which not improbably contained the colossal male statue (7) of Mausolus. The belts below are supposed to have been decorated by a frieze (see plan), as may be seen in Mr. Falkener's design, in which the sculptural decorations of the basement are beautifully, though of course conjecturally, delineated. They are partly suggested by the frieze of the Temple of Wingless Victory at Athens. We might also have expected that the medals of Artemisia would have been useful in reproducing the Mausoleum. For according to Guichard (375): "Il se treuve encor auiourdhuy (A.D. 1581) quelques médailles de la Roine Artemisie, où la figure de cest admirable bastiment est représentée, et j'ai bonne souvenance d'en avoir veu deux à Lyon." But one of these (as drawn in Guichard) can scarcely be genuine; and the pyramid on the other may perhaps represent a monument which Artemisia erected in Rhodes itself, to commemorate her naval successes over the Rhodians (Vitruv. ii. 8). For Guichard (376) observes: "Les petites figurines de galères en forme de croissant qui se voient le long des marches de la pyramide, dénotent la victoire navale, que ceste courageuse Roine obtint sur les Rhodiens." An intended, but very absurd imitation of the Mausoleum itself, may be seen in the stone steeple of St. George's, Bloomsbury, near to the British Museum, the height of which, 136 feet, is a close approximation to the 140 feet given by Pliny as that of the original. It is crowned with a statue of George I., as expressed in the epigram : "When Henry VIII. left the Pope in the lurch, The Protestants made him the head of the Church; We may add, that the "Illustrated News" for Oct. 24, 1857, con- THE SPEECH FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS. INTRODUCTION. THE battle of Leuctra (B.c. 371), in which the Thebans, under Epaminondas, defeated the Lacedaemonians under Cleombrotus, was most disastrous to the latter. Not only did it disable Sparta by a serious loss of life in action, but it established the superiority of an enemy whom she had hitherto despised; and by destroying the prestige of her invincibility in the open field, deprived her at once of the supremacy which she had previously maintained, and gradually broke up the empire of fact and opinion which she had won. By a pacification concluded at Sparta only three weeks before (Xen. Hell. vi. 3. 18. Grote x. 249), the Lacedaemonians had bound themselves to disband their forces, to remove their garrisons and governors from dependent towns, and to leave every subordinate city, autonomous or free to act as it chose. Had they been successful at Leuctra, the engagements of this compact might never have been effectually redeemed. Their defeat not only ensured, but occasioned its immediate fulfilment. Sparta had no troops to spare for the maintenance of her Hellenic ascendancy; and, accordingly, her Harmosts and their supporters disappeared at once from their several localities and withdrew to Laconia. The local and generally oppressive oligarchies or decemvirates which she had supported in Peloponnesus and elsewhere were overthrown, and a series of revolutions followed which she had no means to control. (Diod. xv. 39, 40. Grote x. 271.) At Argos the commonalty rose against the upper classes, and after butchering 1200 of the aristocracy turned against their own leaders. violence and bloodshed of this insurrection were," says Diodorus (xv. 57), "unparalleled in Grecian history," but Sparta was too weak or discouraged to interfere for the protection of her friends. It was, however, in Arcadia that the influence of the battle of Leuctra "The was most powerfully felt, and at Mantineia that its effect was first and most distinctly exhibited. About 15 years before, this city had been broken up by the Lacedaemonians into 4 villages, each under an oligarchy; and the result, says Xenophon (Hell. v. 2. 7), was, that the inhabitants served with the Spartans much more readily than when under a democracy. But it was fear and compulsion, though perhaps aided by the love of plunder, which made them submit to it, and the humiliation of Sparta was immediately followed by a formal resolution to re-establish Mantineia with its walls as before. With the sympathy and co-operation of other Arcadians, and perhaps in reliance upon Theban support, this resolve was effectually and rapidly carried out (B.c. 371–370), though Sparta interfered as vigorously as she could and dared, in order to prevent it. Force she could not or dared not use, and her remonstrances were met with a courteous but mortifying contradiction. But there was worse to follow. The consolidation of Mantineia and animosity to Sparta, appear to have suggested to the Arcadians the idea of a political confederation with a central authority, by means of which their previously disunited communities might be enabled to act together, and the will of the majority determine the action of all. (Xen. Hell. vi. 5, 6.) A revolution at Tegea, one of the chief strongholds of Sparta in Arcadia, was caused by the agitation of this scheme; and the patriotic party, being assisted by the Mantineans, succeeded in expelling the oligarchs who had ruled in the interests of Sparta, and of whom 800 thereupon took refuge there. (Hell. vi. 5. 8-10.) This result decided the success of the new movement, and a general meeting of all the Arcadians having been assembled at a village called Asea, to the w. of Tegea, the Pan-Arcadian confederacy was resolved upon, and became an accomplished fact. By all these proceedings the interests of Sparta were seriously compromised, and still more seriously threatened. Accordingly, in order to assist the exiles from Tegea, and arrest, if possible, the further progress of the Arcadian movement, she resolved, humbled and dispirited as she was, to despatch a force against Mantineia under the command of Agesilaus. Thereupon he crossed the frontiers, ravaged the country, confronted the assembled Arcadians in battle array, and then retired, with the reflection (Xen. Hell. vi. 5. 21) that "he had raised Sparta from her former despondency, inasmuch as the Arcadians had not dared to give him battle when he was ravaging their country." But they and their allies the Eleans had good reasons for keeping within the walls of Mantineia; for Epaminondas, and the Theban army, had been invited to protect the |