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16 ἔλεγον. καίτοι, ὦ ἄνδρες Αθηναῖοι, (καὶ σκοπεῖτε ἂν ἀληθῆ λέγω) οἱ μὲν ταῦτα ποιοῦντες ἄξια ἐποίουν θανάτου, ὁ δῆμος δ ̓ οὐ διὰ τούτων καταλύεται. πάλιν κώπας τις 10 ὑφείλετο· μαστιγοῦν, στρεβλοῦν πάντες ἐβόων, λέγοντες τὸν δῆμον καταλύεσθαι. ἐγὼ δὲ τί φημί; τὸν μὲν ὑφαιρούμενον θανάτου ποιεῖν ἄξια ὥσπερ ἐκεῖνοι, τὸν δῆμον δ' 17 οὐ διὰ τούτων καταλύεσθαι. ἀλλὰ πως καταλύεται οὐδεὶς λέγει οὐδὲ παρρησιάζεται. ἐγὼ δὲ φράσω· ὅταν ὑμεῖς, ὦ 15 ἄνδρες Αθηναῖοι, φαύλως ἠγμένοι πολλοὶ καὶ ἀποροι καὶ ἄοπλοι καὶ ἀσύντακτοι καὶ μὴ τὰ αὐτὰ γιγνώσκοντες ἦτε, καὶ μήτε στρατηγὸς μήτ' ἄλλος μηδεὶς ὧν ἂν ὑμεῖς ψηφίσησθε φροντίζῃ, καὶ ταῦτα μηδεὶς λέγειν ἐθέλῃ μηδ' ἐπανορθοῖ, μηδ' ὅπως παύσεται τοιαῦτα ὄντα πράττῃ, ὁ νῦν 20 18 ἀεὶ συμβαίνει. καὶ νὴ Δία, ὦ ἄνδρες ̓Αθηναῖοι, ἕτεροι γε λόγοι παρερρυήκασι πρὸς ὑμᾶς ψευδεῖς, καὶ πολλὰ τὴν πολιτείαν βλάπτοντες, οἷον ἐν τοῖς δικαστηρίοις ὑμῖν ἐστιν ἡ σωτηρία, καὶ δεῖ τῇ ψήφῳ τὴν πολιτείαν ὑμᾶς φυλάττειν. ἐγὼ δ ̓ οἶδ' ὅτι ταῦτα μὲν ὑμῖν τὰ δικαστήρια 25 τῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους δικαίων ἐστὶ κοινὰ, ἐν δὲ τοῖς ὅπλοις 171 δεῖ κρατεῖν τῶν ἐχθρῶν, καὶ διὰ τούτων ἐστὶν ἡ σωτηρία 19 τῆς πολιτείας· οὐ γὰρ τὸ ψηφίσασθαι τοῖς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ποιήσει τὸ νικᾶν, ἀλλ ̓ οἱ μετὰ τούτων κρατοῦντες τοὺς ἐχθροὺς καὶ ψηφίζεσθαι καὶ ἄλλο ὅ τι ἂν βούλησθε 5 ποιεῖν ὑμῖν ἐξουσίαν καὶ ἄδειαν παρασκευάζουσι· δεῖ γὰρ ἐν μὲν τοῖς ὅπλοις φοβεροὺς, ἐν δὲ τοῖς δικαστηρίοις φιλανθρώπους εἶναι.

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πάλιν . . . ὑφείλετο] again, there was the case of somebody stealing oars,' i. e. from the public dockyards.

τὸν ὑφαιρούμενον] ' the thief. φαύλως ἠγμένοι] under bad leading, a helpless multitude without arms, without order, and without unanimity.' Mr. Kennedy illustrates φαύλως ἠγμένοι by οὐκ ἤγετο μᾶλλον ὑπ ̓ αὐτοῦ ἢ αὐτὸς ἦγε. Thucyd. ii. 65.

καὶ νὴ Δία] The Codex S. has νή Δία γε, which Dindorf adopts as the “ usitata recentioribus scriptoribus formula," and observes that in the older Attic, ye does not generally follow “ νὴ Δία, μὰ Δία et similia,” without some intermediate word.

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20 Εἰ δέ τῳ δοκῶ μείζους ἢ κατ' ἐμαυτὸν λέγειν λόγους, αὐτὸ τοῦτο ὀρθῶς αὐτῶν ἔχει· τὸν γὰρ ὑπὲρ τηλικαύτης 10 πόλεως ῥηθησόμενον λόγον καὶ τοιούτων πραγμάτων παντὸς ἑνὸς τοῦ λέγοντος ἀεὶ μείζω φαίνεσθαι δεῖ, καὶ τῆς ἀξίας τῆς ὑμετέρας ἐγγὺς εἶναι, μὴ τῆς τοῦ λέγοντος. ὅτι δ ̓ οὐδεὶς τῶν ὑφ ̓ ὑμῶν τιμωμένων ταῦτα λέγει, τὰς προ21 φάσεις ἐγὼ διέξειμι ὑμῖν. οἱ μὲν πρὸς ἀρχαιρεσίας καὶ 15 ταύτην τὴν τάξιν προσιόντες δοῦλοι τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ χειροτονεῖσθαι χάριτος περιέρχονται, τελεσθῆναι στρατηγὸς ἕκαστος σπουδάζων, οὐκ ἀνδρὸς ἔργον οὐδὲν πρᾶξαι. εἰ δέ τις καὶ τοιοῦτός ἐστιν οἷος ἐγχειρεῖν ἔργῳ τῳ, νῦν μὲν ἡγεῖται τὴν τῆς πόλεως δόξαν ἀφορμὴν ἔχων καὶ τοὔνομα, 20 τῆς τῶν ἐναντιωσομένων ἐρημίας ἀπολαύων, τὰς ἐλπίδας ὑμῖν ὑποτείνων, ἄλλο δ ̓ οὐδὲν, κληρονομήσειν αὐτὸς τῶν ὑμετέρων ἀγαθῶν, ὅπερ ἐστὶν, ἂν δ ̓ ὑμεῖς δι ̓ ὑμῶν αὐτῶν ἕκαστα πράττητε, τὸ ἴσον τοῖς ἄλλοις ὥσπερ τῶν ἔργων 22 αὐτῶν, οὕτω καὶ τῶν ἐκ τούτων ἕξειν. οἱ δὲ πολιτευόμενοι 25

θρώπους, ἐν δὲ ταῖς παρασκευαῖς ταῖς τοῦ πολέμου φοβεροὺς καὶ χαλεπούς.

παντὸς ἑνὸς . . . δεῖ] 'ought always to appear too exalted for any individual who may be the speaker, and to approximate to your dignity, not to that of the speaker.'

οἱ μὲν πρὸς ἀρχαιρεσίας] ' those who apply themselves to public offices and this kind of employment.'

δοῦλοι τῆς ἐπί] ' the slaves of the election interest.” ἡ ἐπὶ τῷ χειροτονεῖσθαι χάρις appears to mean, as Mr. Kennedy thinks, 'favour or interest for being elected,' χάρις being that favour and good-will of the electors which a candidate goes about to obtain. The term περιέρχεσθαι corresponds to the Latin ambire.'

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τελεσθῆναι] to be made a full gene ral.' I am not sure however that this is an accurate version, for Schäfer may be right in his idea that the expression means something more, and is the locutio oratoris stomachantis. Singuli operamdantes, ul strategiae initientur mysteriis: Jeder sich abmühend zum Strategos geweiht zu werden."

εἰ δέ τις] The meaning seems to be as follows: but if you elect as Στρατηγός an enterprising man, the consequence

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under the present system is, that he starts with the name and prestige of the city, and having no fellow-citizens among his mercenary troops to oppose him, while holding out expectations to you, and this is all, he expects to gain for himself (and he really does so, ὅπερ ἐστίν) advantages which should be shared by the rest of the community, who however get nothing but vain expectations. On the other hand, were the troops as they should be, Athenian citizens, they would all participate not only in the labours and dangers of service, but also in its profits and advantages.

τῆς τῶν ἐναντιωσομένων] ‘profiting by the absence of others to oppose him.' "De hostibus intellexit Reiskius. Malim intelligere de civibus adversae factionis.” Schäfer. I think Schäfer is right, except that the citizens need not be supposed to have been adversae factionis. With τῆς ἐρημίας comp. c. Phil. i. § 56, p. 102: τὴν ἐρημίαν τῶν κωλυσόντων.

οἱ δὲ πολιτευόμενοι] These politicians, elsewhere called ῥήτορες, are opposed to the persons described in v. 17, as οἱ πρὸς ἀρχαιρεσίας προσιόντες, in whom the στρατηγοί are included, as they are also in πρὸς τούτους, ‘the former class.

καὶ περὶ ταῦτ ̓ ὄντες, τὸ τὰ βέλτιστα λέγειν ὑμῖν ἀφέντες, προσκεχωρήκασι πρὸς τούτους· καὶ πρότερον μὲν κατὰ 172 συμμορίας εἰσεφέρετε, νυνὶ δὲ πολιτεύεσθε κατὰ συμμορίας. ῥήτωρ ἡγεμὼν, καὶ στρατηγὸς ὑπὸ τούτῳ, καὶ οἱ βοησόμενοι μεθ ̓ ἑκατέρων τριακόσιοι· οἱ δ ̓ ἄλλοι προσ23 νενέμησθε οἱ μὲν ὡς τούτους, οἱ δ ̓ ὡς ἐκείνους. τοιγαροῦν 5 ὑμῖν περίεστιν ἐκ τούτων ὁ δεῖνα χαλκοῦς καὶ ὁ δεῖν ̓ εὐδαίμων, εἷς ἢ δύο, ὑπὲρ τὴν πόλιν· οἱ δ ̓ ἄλλοι μάρτυρες τῆς τούτων εὐδαιμονίας κάθησθε, τῆς καθ' ἡμέραν ῥᾳθυμίας πολλὴν καὶ μεγάλην ὑπάρχουσαν ὑμῖν εὐδαιμονίαν τούτοις προϊέμενοι.

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Καίτοι σκέψασθε ὅπως ἐπὶ τῶν προγόνων ταῦτ ̓ εἶχεν οὐ γὰρ ἀλλοτρίοις ὑμῖν παραδείγμασι χρησαμένοις, ἀλλ ̓ οἰκείοις ἔξεσθ ̓ ἃ προσήκει πράττειν εἰδέναι. ἐκεῖνοι Θεμι στοκλέα τὸν τὴν ἐν Σαλαμίνι ναυμαχίαν στρατηγοῦντα καὶ Μιλτιάδην τὸν ἡγούμενον Μαραθῶνι καὶ πολλοὺς 15 ἄλλους, οὐκ ἴσα τοῖς νῦν στρατηγοῖς ἀγαθὰ εἰργασμένους, μὰ Δί ̓ οὐ χαλκοῦς ἵστασαν οὐδ ̓ ὑπερηγάπων, ἀλλ ̓ ὡς 25 οὐδὲν αὑτῶν κρείττους ὄντας, οὕτως ἐτίμων. καὶ γάρ τοι τῶν ἔργων οὐδενὸς, ὦ ἄνδρες Αθηναῖοι, τῶν τότ ̓ ἀπεστέρησαν αὑτοὺς, οὐδ ̓ ἔστ ̓ οὐδεὶς ὅστις ἂν εἴποι τὴν ἐν 20 Σαλαμίνι ναυμαχίαν Θεμιστοκλέους, ἀλλ ̓ ̓Αθηναίων, οὐδὲ τὴν ἐν Μαραθῶνι μάχην Μιλτιάδου, ἀλλὰ τῆς πόλεως. νῦν δὲ πολλοὶ τοῦτο λέγουσιν, ὡς Κέρκυραν εἷλε Τιμόθεος καὶ τὴν μόραν κατέκοψεν Ιφικράτης καὶ τὴν περὶ Νάξον

κατὰ συμμορίας] Olyn. ii. § 29. ὑμῖν περίεστιν . . . χαλκοῦς] ‘you find that one has a brazen statue.'

ὑπὲρ τὴν πόλιν] That is, εὐδαίμων, 'prosperous more than the city,' or, more so than the city.'

τῆς καθ' ἡμέραν] ' for the sake of your daily ease, abandoning to them your abundant and great prosperity.' ἐκεῖνοι Θεμιστοκλέα] 172, 14-173, 22. Ex Aristocr. p. 686, 5, et seqq." Dobree.

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οὐδ ̓ ὑπερηγάπων] ‘nor did they make over much of them.'

οὐδ ̓ ἔστ ̓ οὐδείς] ' nor is there any one who would say that the sea-fight at Salamis

was the work of Themistocles.'

Κέρκυραν] Β. C. 376.

τὴν μόραν] The fame of this achievement was owing, not to the numbers engaged, but to the fact of a body of light armed and new kind of troops (πελτασταί) defeating a division of Spartan heavy armed infantry - a force which had previously been considered invincible, unless assailed by very superior numbers. See c. Phil. i. § 27, p. 89.

περὶ Νάξον] In B.C. 376, when Chabrias destroyed the Lacedaemonian navy. Xen. Hell. v. 4, 61. Phocion (Plut. in vit. c. vi.) distinguished himself at the age of twenty-seven in this battle.

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ναυμαχίαν ἐνίκα Χαβρίας· δοκεῖτε γὰρ αὐτοὶ τῶν ἔργων 25 τούτων παραχωρεῖν τῶν τιμῶν ταῖς ὑπερβολαῖς ἃς δεδώ26 κατε ἐπ ̓ αὐτοῖς ἑκάστῳ τούτων. τὰς μὲν δὴ πολιτικὰς 173 δωρεὰς οὕτως ἐκεῖνοί τε καλῶς ἔνεμον καὶ ὑμεῖς οὐκ ὀρθῶς· τὰς δὲ τῶν ξένων πῶς ; ἐκεῖνοι Μένωνι τῷ Φαρσαλίῳ δώδεκα μὲν τάλαντα ἀργυρίου δόντι πρὸς τὸν ἐπ ̓ Ηϊόνι τῇ πρὸς ̓Αμφιπόλει πόλεμον, διακοσίοις δ ̓ ἱππεῦσι πενέσταις 5 27 ἰδίοις βοηθήσαντι, οὐκ ἐψηφίσαντο πολιτείαν, ἀλλ ̓ ἀτέλειαν ἔδωκαν μόνον. καὶ πρότερον τούτου Περδίκκᾳ τῷ κατὰ τὴν τοῦ βαρβάρου ποτ ̓ ἐπιστρατείαν βασιλεύοντι

Μένωνι] Eion was a town at the mouth of the Strymon or Kara-Su (μπόριον ἐπὶ τῷ στόματι τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἐπιθαλάσσιον. Thucyd. iv. 102), and the port of Amphipolis, after taking which in the eighth year (B.c. 424) of the Pelopon. nesian war, Brasidas proceeded to attack Eion. Here however he was not successful, for the town had been reinforced by the previous arrival of a naval armament under Thucydides (iv. 62). But this historian makes no mention of Menon the Pharsalian, and no allusion to his liberality. Still it is probable enough that he assisted the Athenians in some way or other against Brasidas, for the Thessalians in general having always been friendly to the Athenians (τοῖς Αθηναίοις ἀεί ποτε τὸ πλῆθος τῶν Θεσσαλῶν εὔνουν ὑπῆρχε), were hostile to Brasidas, and attempted to stop his passage. (Thucyd. iv. 78.) This Pharsalian could not have been the same as Μένων ὁ Θετταλός, who served under Cyrus the Younger, and was then ὡραῖος and ἀγένειος. Xen. Anab. ii. 6. 28.

πενέσταις] These Penestae were the descendants of the old Pelasgic or Aeolian inhabitants of Thessaly Proper, reduced to a state of vassalage by their Thessalian conquerors, to whom they are generally supposed to have stood in nearly the same relation as the Helots of Laconia did to the Dorian Spartans, though their condition was on the whole superior. Perhaps indeed they might rather be compared with the Perioeci, the class next above the Helots. That they served on horseback, appears from this passage. (Comp. c. Aristoc. § 238.) But it must be remembered that Thessaly abounded in cavalry. Dict. of Antiq. s. v. Πενέσται.

VOL. I.

ἀτέλειαν] To a resident this privilege would be comparatively of great value, but in the case of a foreigner travelling to or trading with Athens, it would only exempt him from customs and harbour dues. Το Menon it would be a mere complimentary distinction.

Περδίκκα] Alexander, who gave information to the Greeks of the intentions of Mardonius, the night before the battle of Plataeae (Herod. ix. 45), was then king of Macedonia, not Perdiccas, his son, so that the writer of this oration is entirely wrong in this matter. Demosthenes also makes the same mistake in another oration (c. Aristoc. § 239). It has indeed been supposed that Perdiccas was viceroy of some province, or regent during his father's lifetime, and that consequently he was dignified with the title of king. But on the other hand it must be remembered, that Herodotus (ix. 89) states that it was the Thracians (not the Macedonians) who inflicted such severe losses upon the Persians in their final retreat. Perhaps then, Demosthenes merely expressed the common belief of his times, which must be admitted to be a gross error. And as Mr. Blakesley observes (Herod. ii. 477), "To hypothesize a regency of Perdiccas during the lifetime of his father, is a less satisfactory way of explaining the variation, than to account for it by the ordinary phenomenon observable in every country, of the inaccuracy of popular traditions with regard to dates and persons. The ethnical affinity of the Thracians with the Macedonian commonalty, and the indefiniteness of the boundary between the two countries, would readily lead to the confusion of the two nations in common estimation.”

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Μακεδονίας, τοὺς ἀναχωροῦντας ἐκ Πλαταιῶν τῶν βαρβάρων ἀπὸ τῆς ἥττης διαφθείραντι καὶ τέλειον τἀτύχημα 10 ποιήσαντι τῷ βασιλεῖ, οὐκ ἐψηφίσαντο πολιτείαν, ἀλλ ̓ ἀτέλειαν ἔδωκαν μόνον, μεγάλην οἶμαι καὶ τιμίαν καὶ σεμνὴν τὴν αὑτῶν πατρίδα ἡγούμενοι καὶ πάσης μείζονα εὐεργεσίας. νῦν δ ̓, ὦ ἄνδρες ̓Αθηναῖοι, φθόρους ἀνθρώ πους οἰκοτρίβων οἰκότριβας, τιμὴν ὥσπερ ἄλλου του τῶν 15 28 ὠνίων λαμβάνοντες, ποιεῖσθε πολίτας. ταῦτα δ' ὑμῖν ἐπελήλυθε πράττειν οὐχ ὅτι τὰς φύσεις χείρους ἐστὲ τῶν προγόνων, ἀλλ ̓ ὅτι τοῖς μὲν ἐφ' ἑαυτοῖς παρειστήκει μέγα φρονεῖν, ὑμῶν δ ̓, ὦ ἄνδρες ̓Αθηναῖοι, περιῄρηται τοῦτο. ἔστι δ ̓ οὐδέποτ', οἶμαι, δυνατὸν μικρὰ καὶ φαῦλα πράτ-20 τοντας μέγα καὶ νεανικὸν φρόνημα λαβεῖν, ὥσπερ οὐδὲ λαμπρὰ καὶ καλὰ πράττοντας μικρὸν καὶ ταπεινὸν φρονεῖν· ὁποῖο ἄττα γὰρ ἂν τὰ ἐπιτηδεύματα τῶν ἀνθρώπων ᾖ, τοιοῦτον ἀνάγκη καὶ τὸ φρόνημ ̓ ἔχειν.

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Σκέψασθε δὲ ἅ τις κεφάλαια ἂν ἔχοι εἰπεῖν περὶ τῶν τ' 25 ἐκείνοις πεπραγμένων καὶ τῶν ὑμῖν, ἂν ἄρ ̓ ὑμῶν αὐτῶν ἀλλ ̓ ἐκ τούτων γε δύνησθε γενέσθαι κρείττους. πέντε μὲν 174 τοίνυν καὶ τετταράκοντα ἔτη τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἦρξαν ἑκόντων ἐκεῖνοι, πλείω δ ̓ ἢ μύρια τάλαντα εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἀνήγαγον, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ καλὰ καὶ πεζῇ καὶ ναυμαχοῦντες ἔστησαν τρόπαια, ἐφ ̓ οἷς ἔτι καὶ νῦν ἡμεῖς φιλοτιμούμεθα. 5 καίτοι ταῦτα νομίζετε αὐτοὺς στῆσαι οὐχ ἵνα θαυμάζωμεν μόνον ἡμεῖς αὐτὰ θεωροῦντες, ἀλλ ̓ ἵνα καὶ μιμώμεθα τὰς 30 τῶν ἀναθέντων ἀρετάς. ἐκεῖνοι μὲν δὴ ταῦτα· ἡμεῖς δ ̓, ὅσης ἅπαντες ὁρᾶτε ἐρημίας ἐπειλημμένοι, σκέψασθε εἰ παραπλήσια. οὐ πλείω μὲν ἢ χίλια καὶ πεντακόσια τάλαντα 10

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