As for the date of the Olynthiac orations, they were delivered in B.C. 350, and as Mr. Grote thinks, during the six or seven last months of it. Their true chronological order has been and is a matter of doubt and controversy. See Excursus. I. ΟΛΥΝΘΙΑΚΟΣ Α. B.C. 350. ΛΙΒΑΝΙΟΥ ΥΠΟΘΕΣΙΣ. Ολυνθος ἦν πόλις ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης, Ἑλληνικὸν δὲ ταύτῃ τῶν ἐνοικούντων τὸ γένος, ἀπὸ Χαλκίδος τῆς ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ· ἡ δὲ Χαλκὶς Αθηναίων ἄποικος. πολλοὶ δὲ πόλεμοι καὶ ἔνδοξοι τῆς Ὀλύνθου Αθηναίοις τε γὰρ ἐπολέμησεν 7 ἄρχουσι τῶν Ἑλλήνων τὸ παλαιὸν καὶ αὖθις Λακεδαιμονίοις. χρόνῳ τε εἰς δύναμιν προῆλθε μεγάλην, καὶ τῶν συγγενῶν πόλεων ἐπῆρχεν· ἦν γὰρ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης πολύ τι γένος Χαλκιδικόν. Φιλίππῳ δὲ τῷ Μακεδόνων βασιλεῖ συμμαχίαν οἱ Ολύνθιοι ποιησάμενοι, καὶ πολεμοῦντες μετ ̓ αὐτοῦ πρὸς 5 Αθηναίους τὸ κατ ̓ ἀρχὰς, καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ̓Ανθεμοῦντα παρὰ τοῦ Μακεδόνος εἰληφότες, πόλιν ἀμφισβητήσιμον Μακεδόσι καὶ Ολυνθίοις, τοῦτο δὲ Ποτίδαιαν, ἣν Αθηναίων ἐχόντων ἐκπολιορκήσας ὁ Φίλιππος Ολυνθίοις παρέδωκεν, ὕστερον ὑποπτεύειν ἤρξαντο τὸν βασιλέα, ὁρῶντες αὐτοῦ ταχεῖαν καὶ πολλὴν τὴν αὔξησιν, οὐ πιστὴν δὲ τὴν γνώμην. ἀποδημοῦντα δὲ τηρή- 10 σαντες αὐτὸν, πέμψαντες πρέσβεις πρὸς ̓Αθηναίους κατελύσαντο τὸν πρὸς αὐτοὺς πόλεμον, ποιοῦντες τοῦτο παρὰ τὰς συνθήκας τὰς πρὸς Φίλιππον· ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης] towards Thrace. ̓Αθηναίων ἄποικος] Strabo (x. p. 430) says that both Chalcis and Eretria were founded by the Athenians πρὸ τῶν Τρωικῶν. Chalcis was the principal city of Euboea, μητρόπολις τῆς νήσου. ἐπολέμησεν] Οlynthus was at war with Athens (Thucyd. i. 63) in the year before the Peloponnesian war (B.c. 432), and with Lacedaemon B.c. 382. ἦν γὰρ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης] ' for towards Thrace the Chalcidic race was somewhat extensive.' τὸ κατ ̓ ἀρχάς] About B.c. 358, when he conquered the Illyrians and took Amphipolis. Diod. xvi. 8. VOL. I. ̓Ανθεμούντα] On the confines of Chalcidice and Macedonia. Demosthenes (c. Phil. ii. § 22) says, ̓Ανθεμοῦντα μὲν αὐτοῖς (Ολυνθίοις) ἠφίει, ἧς πάντες οἱ πρότερον Μακεδονίας βασιλεῖς ἀντεποιοῦντο. Ποτίδαιαν] On the Isthmus of Pallene, afterwards Cassandria, now Pinaka, and only seven or eight miles from Olynthus. ἀποδημοῦντα] Probably while he was in Thessaly, B.C. 352, soon after he had conquered Methone on the Thermaic Gulf. See Grote xi. 446, and Dem. c. Aristoc. § 129, a passage from which Libanius seems to have taken his narrative. C συνετέθειντο γὰρ καὶ κοινῇ πολεμεῖν πρὸς ̓Αθηναίους, κἂν ἄλλο τι δόξῃ, κοινῇ σπείσασθαι. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος πάλαι μὲν προφάσεως ἐπ ̓ αὐτοὺς δεόμενος, τότε δὲ ταύτην λαβὼν, ὡς τὰς συνθήκας παραβεβηκόσι καὶ πρὸς 15 τοὺς ἐχθροὺς τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ φιλίαν ἐσπεισμένοις πόλεμον ἐπήνεγκεν. οἱ δὲ πεπόμφασι πρέσβεις εἰς ̓Αθήνας περὶ βοηθείας, οἷς ὁ Δημοσθένης συναγορεύει, βοηθεῖν κελεύων τοῖς Ὀλυνθίοις, καί φησι τὴν Ὀλυνθίων σωτηρίαν ἀσφάλειαν εἶναι τῶν ̓Αθηναίων· σωζομένων γὰρ τῶν Ὀλυνθίων, οὐδέποτε ἥξειν εἰς τὴν ̓Αττικὴν Φίλιππον, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ̓Αθηναίοις ἐξουσίαν ἔσεσθαι 20 πλεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν Μακεδονίαν κἀκεῖ ποιεῖσθαι τὸν πόλεμον· εἰ δὲ ὑπὸ Φιλίππῳ 8* γένοιτο ἡ πόλις αὕτη, ἀνεῖσθαι τὴν ἐπὶ τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους ὁδὸν τῷ βασιλεῖ. φησὶ δὲ δύσμαχον εἶναι τὸν Φίλιππον οὐχ ὡς ὑπείληπται, θαρσύνων ἐπ ̓ αὐτὸν τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους. Διείλεκται δὲ καὶ περὶ τῶν δημοσίων χρημάτων, συμβουλεύων ποιῆσαι 5 αὐτὰ στρατιωτικὰ ἀντὶ θεωρικῶν. καὶ τὸ ἔθος οὐ πρόδηλον ὂν, ᾧ ἐχρῶντο οἱ ̓Αθηναῖοι, ἀνάγκη σαφηνίσαι. οὐκ ὄντος τὸ παλαιὸν θεάτρου λιθίνου παρ' αὐτοῖς, ἀλλὰ ξυλίνων συμπηγνυμένων ικρίων, καὶ πάντων καταλαμβάνειν τόπον σπευδόντων, πληγαί τε ἐγίνοντο καί που καὶ τραύματα. τοῦτο κωλῦσαι βουληθέντες οἱ προεστῶτες τῶν ̓Αθηναίων ὠνητοὺς ἐποιήσαντο 10 τοὺς τόπους, καὶ ἕκαστον ἔδει διδόναι δύο ὀβολοὺς καὶ καταβαλόντα θέαν ἔχειν. ἵνα δὲ μὴ δοκῶσιν οἱ πένητες τῷ ἀναλώματι λυπεῖσθαι, ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου λαμβάνειν ἕκαστον ἐτάχθη τοὺς δύο οβολούς. ἐντεῦθεν μὲν οὖν τὸ ἔθος ἤρξατο, προῆλθε δὲ εἰς τοῦτο, ὥστε οὐκ εἰς τοὺς τόπους μόνον ἐλάμβανον, ἀλλὰ ἁπλῶς πάντα τὰ δημόσια χρήματα διενέμοντο. ὅθεν καὶ περὶ τὰς 15 στρατείας ὀκνηροὶ κατέστησαν. πάλαι μὲν γὰρ στρατευόμενοι μισθὸν παρὰ τῆς πόλεως ἐλάμβανον, τότε δὲ ἐν ταῖς θεωρίαις καὶ ταῖς ἑορταῖς οἴκοι μέν οντες διενέμοντο τὰ χρήματα· οὐκέτι οὖν ἤθελον ἐξιέναι καὶ κινδυνεύειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ νόμον ἔθεντο περὶ τῶν θεωρικῶν τούτων χρημάτων, θάνατον ἀπειλοῦντα τῷ γράψαντι μετατεθῆναι ταῦτα εἰς τὴν ἀρχαίαν τάξιν καὶ γενέσθαι 20 συναγορεύει] In the Olynthiac Orations. ἀνεῖσθαι] Suidas explains this strange phrase by λελύσθαι. δύσμαχον] that Philip was indeed hard to contend against, but not so much so as was supposed.' ξυλίνων συμπηγνυμένων ικρίων] wooden planks being put together. Under ικρία Hesychius says, καὶ τὰ ξύλινα οὕτως ἐλέ γοντο ̓Αθήνῃσιν, ἀφ ̓ ὧν ἐθεῶντο πρὸ τοῦ τὸ ἐν Διονύσου θέατρον γενέσθαι. So also Photius. Suidas, s. Πρατίνας, tells a differ ent and more sensible story, viz., that in the time of Aeschylus the Athenians had only a wooden scaffolding, erected from στρατιωτικά. διὸ ὁ Δημοσθένης εὐλαβῶς ἄπτεται τῆς περὶ τούτου συμβουλῆς, καὶ ὑπερωτήσας ἑαυτὸν ὅτι “σὺ γράφεις ταῦτα εἶναι στρατιωτικά;” 9 ἐπιφέρει “ μὰ Δί' οὐκ ἔγωγε.” τοσαῦτα μὲν περὶ τῶν θεωρικῶν. Διείλεκται δὲ ὁ ῥήτωρ καὶ περὶ πολιτικῆς δυνάμεως, ἀξιῶν αὐτοὺς στρατεύεσθαι καὶ μὴ διὰ ξένων, ὥσπερ εἰώθεσαν, ποιεῖσθαι τὴν βοήθειαν· τοῦτο γὰρ αἴτιον εἶναί φησι τοῦ τὰ πράγματα ἀπόλλυσθαι. ΑΝΤΙ πολλῶν ἂν ὦ ἄνδρες Αθηναῖοι χρημάτων ὑμᾶς ἑλέσθαι νομίζω, εἰ φανερὸν γένοιτο τὸ μέλλον συνοίσειν τῇ πόλει περὶ ὧν νυνὶ σκοπεῖτε. ὅτε τοίνυν τοῦθ ̓ οὕτως ἔχει, προσήκει προθύμως ἐθέλειν ἀκούειν τῶν βουλομένων ̓Αντὶ πολλῶν . . . σκοπεῖτε] ‘rather than great riches, would you men of Athens, as I think, prefer to have it clearly shown what will be for the interest of the city, as regards the matters about which you are now considering. Comp. Herod. i. 86: τὸν ἂν ἐγὼ πᾶσι τυράννοισι προετίμησα μεγάλων χρημάτων ἐς λόγους ἐλθεῖν. Also Thucyd. vi. 10: οὓς πρὸ πολλῶν ἂν ἐτιμήσαντο ξυμμάχους γενέσθαι. The whole passage is humorously imitated by Lucian, Jov. Trag. c. 15. προσήκει . . . συμβουλεύειν] ‘it be hoves you to be with all your heart ready to listen to those who wish you to give your counsel. Here we have an illustration of the relative meanings of 20éλw and βούλομαι, the former applied to per sons who can do a particular thing if they will, the latter to persons who undoubtedly wish to do a thing, but who may not have the necessary power-the former corresponding to the German wollen' and the latter to wünschen.' This distinction is universally recognized in good Greek prose writers. Thus in Demosthenes, ἂν θεός θέλῃ, ‘if God will, is a common phrase, and in Olyn. ii. 23, δοκεῖ δ ̓ ἔμοιγε, ὦ ἄνδρες Αθηναῖοι, δείξειν οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν, ἂν οἵ τε θεοὶ θέλωσι καὶ ὑμεῖς βούλησθε, ἐθέλω is used of the will of the gods, and βούλομαι for the desire of men. Many excellent illustrations of this usage are given by Dr. Donaldson (Cratylus, p. 562). In Herodotus ἐθέλω often occurs as a simple auxiliary verb, without any express notion of willing or wishing. Thus (i. 74), ἄνευ γὰρ ἀναγκαίης ἰσχυρῆς συμβάσιες ἰσχυραὶ οὐκ ἐθέλουσι συμμένειν, where the meaning of ἐθέλω is analogous (as Mr. Blakesley observes) to that of amo" (= soleo) in Horace (Od. ii. 3. 10): "Una pinus ingens albaque populus, Umbram hospitalem consociare amant Ramis." Again (i. 109), Εἰ θελήσει, τούτου τελευτήσαντος, ἐς τὴν θυγατέρα ταύτην ἀναβῆναι ἡ τυραννίς, and (ii. 14), Εt σφι θέλοι ἡ χώρη ἡ ἔνερθε Μέμφιος . αὐξάνεσθαι. A similar use of the verb occurs also in Xenophon (Anab. vi. 6. 36): Ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐκ ἐθέλει γενέσθαι τὰ ἱερὰ ἐξάγειν. Butmann, however (Lexil. § 35), writes incorrectly (as I think) and illogically upon the two words, thus: “Εθέλω occurs more frequently and is the more general expression for willing (wollen); but it expresses in particular that kind of willing in which there is a purpose (Vorsatz), and therefore(?) the willing which it is, or seems to be, in our power to realize. Βούλομαι, on the contrary, is confined to that kind of willing, in which the wish and the inclination are either the only things expressed, or especially marked. Hence(?) it expresses a willing readiness (Bereitwilligkeit) to do a thing which does not depend on oneself.” He adds, that " in Homer” (and it is certainly remarkable) " βούλομαι is used of the gods only, where ἐθέλω would be used 5 συμβουλεύειν· οὐ γὰρ μόνον εἴ τι χρήσιμον ἐσκεμμένος 5 ἥκει τις, τοῦτ ̓ ἂν ἀκούσαντες λάβοιτε, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς ὑμετέρας τύχης ὑπολαμβάνω πολλὰ τῶν δεόντων ἐκ τοῦ παραχρῆμα ἐνίοις ἂν ἐπελθεῖν εἰπεῖν, ὥστ ̓ ἐξ ἁπάντων ῥᾳδίαν τὴν τοῦ συμφέροντος ὑμῖν αἵρεσιν γενέσθαι. 2 Ὁ μὲν οὖν παρών καιρὸς, ὦ ἄνδρες Αθηναῖοι, μόνον 10 οὐχὶ λέγει φωνὴν ἀφιεὶς ὅτι τῶν πραγμάτων ὑμῖν ἐκείνων for other persons, as in (Iliad. i. 67), Αt ἐσκεμμένος ἥκει] Probably alluding to himself, for Plutarch (Demosth. c. 8) states that he seldom spoke in public without previous study and preparation (μὴ ῥᾳδίως ἀκοῦσαί τινα Δημοσθένους ἐπὶ καιροῦ λέγοντος, ἀλλὰ καὶ καθήμενον ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ πολλάκις τοῦ δήμου καλοῦντος ὀνομαστὶ μὴ παρελθεῖν, εἰ μὴ τύχοι πεφροντικὼς καὶ παρεσκευασμένος). A similar remark may, I believe, be made of all famous speakers. Even Curran, ready and fluent as he was, said of himself, “The day of inspiration is gone by: every thing I ever said, which was worth remembering, my de bene esses, my white horses, as I used to call them, were all carefully prepared ” (Curran and his contemporaries, by Charles Phillips, p. 486). In the same work it is remarked that, "Lord Erskine corrected his very eloquent orations, and Mr. Burke literally worried his printer into a complaint against the fatigue of his continual revisals. Indeed, it is said, such was the fastidiousness of his industry, that the proof sheet not unfrequently exhibited a complete erasure of the original manuscript! Such is the labour of those who write for immortality.” Compare Cicero, in Q. Caecil. Divin. c. xiii., and Mr. Long's note, on the feelings " shared by all men of real merit, especially at the commencement of their career as an advocate or public speaker." Referring to himself, Cicero (Leg. i. 4, 12) says, " Ad causarum operam ego nunquam nisi paratus et meditatus accedo." ... τοῦτ ̓ . . . λάβοιτε] werdet Ihr anhören, und zu Herzen nehmen (Jacobs): rather, ' would you listen and adopt it. τῆς ὑμετέρας . . . εἰπεῖν] I conceive it part of your good fortune, i. e. I conceive that by your good fortune many fit suggestions will to some occur on the moment to make—' Ὁ μὲν οὖν ... καιρός] ! well then the present crisis.' Here our is scarcely an inferential particle. It rather marks the opening of the subject matter of the oration, as igitur in Sallust, Catil. c. i. " Igitur initio reges diversi pars ingenium, alii corpus exercebant." ἀφιείς] read ἀφτείς. Comp. Cic. Cat. i. 7: “Patria tecum sic agit et quodammodo tacita loquitur,” and Shakspeare, Macbeth, Act iii. Sc. 4, “Stones have been known to move, and trees to speak.' πραγμάτων . . . ἀντιληπτέον] • that you must yourselves, in your own persons, take in hand those (ἐκείνων) affairs (i. e. of the Olynthians), if you have any care for their success. The Codex Bavaricus |