τοὺς μὲν Φωκέας τὸν Φίλιππον, ἂν γένηται κύριος, σώσειν, τὴν δὲ Θηβαίων πόλιν διοικιεῖν, καὶ τὸν Ωρωπὸν ὑμῖν ὑπάρξειν, καὶ τὴν Εὔβοιαν ἀντ ̓ ̓Αμφιπόλεως ἀποδοθήσε- 15 σθαι, καὶ τοιαύτας ἐλπίδας καὶ φενακισμούς, οἷς ἐπαχθέντες ὑμεῖς οὔτε συμφόρως οὔτ ̓ ἴσως οὔτε καλῶς προεῖσθε Φωκέας, οὐδὲν τούτων οὔτ ̓ ἐξαπατήσας οὔτε σιγήσας ἐγὼ φανήσομαι, ἀλλὰ προειπὼν ὑμῖν, ὡς οἶδ ̓ ὅτι μνημονεύετε, ὅτι ταῦτα οὔτε οἶδα οὔτε προσδοκώ, 20 · νομίζω δὲ τὸν λέγοντα ληρεῖν.

Ταῦτα τοίνυν ἅπανθ ̓, ὅσα φαίνομαι βέλτιον τῶν ἄλλων προορῶν, οὐδ ̓ εἰς μίαν, ὦ ἄνδρες Αθηναῖοι, οὔτε δεινότητα οὔτε ἀλαζονείαν ἐπανοίσω, οὐδὲ προσποιήσομαι δι' οὐδὲν ἄλλο γιγνώσκειν καὶ προαισθάνεσθαι πλὴν δι ̓ ἃ ἂν ὑμῖν 25 εἴπω δύο, ἓν μὲν, ὦ ἄνδρες Αθηναῖοι, δι ̓ εὐτυχίαν, ἣν

τινων] Aeschines and his party. See Introduction.

διοικιεῖν] That he would break up Thebes into separate and small towns, just as Mantineia was dismembered by the Spartans in B.c. 385.

καὶ τοιαύτας ἐλπίδας] * and with such like hopes and delusions.' A verb may be supplied, suggested by ὑπισχνουμένων above. For a similar construction compare Xen. Hell. i. 3. 17 : Κλέαρχος δὲ ὁ ἁρμοστὴς διέβη παρὰ τὸν Φαρνάβαζον ἐς τὸ πέραν, μισθόν τε τοῖς στρατιώταις παρ' αὐτοῦ ληψόμενος, καὶ ναῦς ξυλλέξων, αἳ ἦσαν ἐν τῷ Ἑλλησπόντῳ ἄλλαι,... καὶ ἐν Ἀντάνδρῳ, καὶ ὅπως ἄλλαι ναυ πηγηθείησαν, where some such verb as ἐπιμελησόμενος must be mentally supplied.

...

οὔτε συμφόρως οὔτ ̓ ἴσως οὔτε καλῶς] * against policy, justice, and honour.

οὐδὲν τούτων οὔτε] in none of these matters shall I be found either to have deceived you at all, or to have been silent.'

οὐδ ̓ εἰς μίαν] • I will not ascribe to any sort of cleverness or cause for boasting.'

οὐδὲ προσποιήσομαι] ‘nor will lay claim to intelligence and foresight by reason of any other than two causes, which I may mention to you.'

δι ̓ εὐτυχίαν, ἣν] Comp. Caesar, B. G. iii. 68 : “ Fortuna quae plurimum potest quum in reliquis rebus, tum praecipue in bello." So also B. G vi. 35. The Greeks and Romans in general made much of

Fortune, though Juvenal (x. 365) said of it,

"Nullum numen habes si sit prudentia: nos te,

Nos facimus Fortuna Deam, caeloque locamus."

But curiously enough Deinarchus (c. Dem. § 32) represents the city as suffering from the orator's bad fortune (τοὺς πράττοντας ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν τι τῆς αὐτοῦ τύχης ἀνέπλησεν), and Juvenal (x. 129) describes him as " Dis ille adversis genitus fatoque sinistro.” More curiously still, the early editor H. Wolf, in his garrulous but amusing autobiography (A.D. 1564), appears to imagine that his own misfortunes were somehow connected with the bad fortune of his subject. For, says he (Reiske xii. 842), referring to the time when he was engaged upon Demosthenes, "Habui totum illum triennii tempus ita infestum, ut paene fidem habere cogar Aeschini infelicitatem Demostheni objectanti." Accordingly, when there was a question “ de nomine suo ad formam Latinam aut Graecam revocando," and he did not like Vulpius' or 'Ulpius,' and Melancthon called him 'Lycius,' he defended the barbarous letter W by the lines,

“Όλβιος esse velim, si quid mea fata valerent :

Nunc quia fata negant, Wolfius esse volo."

12 συμπάσης ἐγὼ τῆς ἐν ἀνθρώποις οὔσης δεινότητος καὶ 60 σοφίας ὁρῶ κρατοῦσαν, ἕτερον δὲ, ὅτι προῖκα τὰ πράγματα κρίνω καὶ λογίζομαι, καὶ οὐδὲν λῆμμ ̓ ἂν οὐδεὶς ἔχοι πρὸς οἷς ἐγὼ πεπολίτευμαι καὶ λέγω δεῖξαι προσηρτημένον. ὀρθὸν οὖν, ὅ τι ἂν ποτ ̓ ἀπ ̓ αὐτῶν ὑπάρχῃ 5 τῶν πραγμάτων, τὸ συμφέρον φαίνεταί μοι. ὅταν δ ̓ ἐπὶ θάτερα ὥσπερ εἰς τρυτάνην ἀργύριον προσενέγκης, οἴχεται φέρον καὶ καθείλκυκε τὸν λογισμὸν ἐφ ̓ αὑτὸ, καὶ οὐκ ἂν ἔτ ̓ ὀρθῶς οὐδ ̓ ὑγιῶς ὁ τοῦτο ποιήσας περὶ οὐδενὸς λογίσαιτο.

10

13 Ἓν μὲν οὖν ἔγωγε πρῶτον ὑπάρχειν φημὶ δεῖν, ὅπως εἴτε συμμάχους εἴτε σύνταξιν εἶτ ̓ ἄλλο τι βούλεταί τις κατασκευάζειν τῇ πόλει, τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν εἰρήνην μὴ λύων τοῦτο ποιήσει, οὐχ ὡς θαυμαστὴν οὐδ ̓ ὡς ἀξίαν οὖσαν ὑμῶν· ἀλλ ̓ ὁποία τίς ποτ' ἐστὶν αὕτη, μὴ γενέσθαι μᾶλλον 15 εἶχε τοῖς πράγμασι καιρὸν, ἢ γεγενημένη νῦν δι ̓ ἡμᾶς

πρὸς οἷς ἐγὼ πεπολίτευμαι] • to my past politics or my present speeches.' With the sentiment in οὐδὲν λῆμμα λογίσαιτο compare Bacon, Essay xviii. on Wisdom for a man's self:' "It were disproportion enough for the servant's good to be preferred before the master's; but yet it is a greater extreme when a little good (ἐπὶ μικροῖς λήμμασι) of the servant shall carry things against the great good of the master's; and yet that is the case of bad officers, treasurers, ambassadors, generals, and other false and corrupt servants, which set a bias (ἐπὶ θάτερα ἀργύριον προσενεγκεῖν) upon their bowl, of their own petty ends and envies, to the overthrow of their master's great and important affairs." A bias is "a weight lodged on one side of the bowl, which turns it from the straight (Td ὀρθόν) line.” Abp. Whateley's note.

ὀρθὸν οὖν, ὅ τι ἂν] your interest then is seen by me straight and plain, whatever it may be, as determined by the circumstances themselves."

ἐπὶ θάτερα] on the other; i. e. the wrong side.' With εἰς τρυτάνην compare De Cor. § 369 : ὥσπερ ἂν εἰ ἐν τρυτάνῃ ῥέπων ἐπὶ τὸ λήμμα συμβεβούλευκα. With ἐπὶ θάτερα, to the wrong side,' compare Plato's expression (Phaedo, § 146), πλέον θάτερον ἡγησά

μενος ἀπεργάζεσθαι, ' conceiving he was making bad worse.' On which Wyttenbach observes, "Dictio exquisite Attica est, πλέον θάτερον ποιεῖν, malum augere, damnum afferre, perperam facere." In Latinsecus' is used similarly, as (Sallust, Jugur. c. 105) “Neque his secus atque aliis armis muniti."

οἴχεται φέρον] • it carries away with it and pulls down the judgment. Καθείλ KUKE is the reading of the best MSS., instead of καθείλκυσε, as general usage would suggest. But perhaps the perfect is here suggested by the past sense of οἴχεται.

ὁ τοῦτο ποιήσας] The man who lets money bias his judgment.

Ἐν μὲν οὖν] one thing then I say ought to be a first principle.'

σύνταξιν] Α contribution from allies, each paying their quota. The aggregate payment which the confederates of Athens paid annually, and in the first instance for carrying on the war with Persia, was originally called φόρος, or tribute. But when after the Peloponnesian war the Athenians partially re-established their supremacy, the payment was styled σύνο ταξις, a less offensive term.

μᾶλλον εἶχε . . . καιρόν] ' it would have been more advantageous for our interests.' The Greek phrase is somewhat quaint and rare.

λυθῆναι· πολλὰ γὰρ προείμεθα, ὧν ὑπαρχόντων τότ ̓ ἂν ἢ 14 νῦν ἀσφαλέστερος καὶ ῥᾴων ἦν ἡμῖν ὁ πόλεμος. δεύτερον δὲ, ὁρᾶν ὅπως μὴ προαξόμεθα, ὦ ἄνδρες Αθηναῖοι, τοὺς συνεληλυθότας τούτους καὶ φάσκοντας ̓Αμφικτύονας νῦν 20 εἶναι εἰς ἀνάγκην καὶ πρόφασιν κοινοῦ πολέμου πρὸς ἡμᾶς. ἐγὼ γὰρ, εἰ γένοιθ ̓ ἡμῖν πρὸς Φίλιππον πάλιν πόλεμος δι' ̓Αμφίπολιν ἤ τι τοιοῦτον ἔγκλημα ἴδιον, οὗ μὴ μετέχουσι Θετταλοὶ μηδ' ̓Αργεῖοι μηδὲ Θηβαῖοι, οὐκ 15 ἂν ἡμῖν οἴομαι τούτων οὐδένα πολεμῆσαι, καὶ πάντων 25 ἥκιστα (καί μοι μὴ θορυβήσῃ μηδεὶς πρὶν ἀκοῦσαι) Θηβαίους, οὐχ ὡς ἡδέως ἔχουσιν ἡμῖν, οὐδ ̓ ὡς οὐκ ἂν χαρίζοιντο Φιλίππῳ, ἀλλ ̓ ἴσασιν ἀκριβῶς, εἰ καὶ πάνυ 61 φήσειέ τις αὐτοὺς ἀναισθήτους εἶναι, ὅτι εἰ γενήσεται πόλεμος πρὸς ὑμᾶς αὐτοῖς, τὰ μὲν κακὰ πάνθ ̓ ἕξουσιν αὐτοὶ, τοῖς δ ̓ ἀγαθοῖς ἐφεδρεύων ἕτερος καθεδεῖται. οὔκουν προεῖντ ̓ ἂν ἑαυτοὺς εἰς τοῦτο, μὴ κοινῆς τῆς ἀρχῆς 5 16 καὶ τῆς αἰτίας οὔσης τοῦ πολέμου. οὐδέ γε εἰ πάλιν πρὸς τοὺς Θηβαίους πολεμήσαιμεν δι ̓ Ωρωπὸν, ἤ τι τῶν ἰδίων, οὐδὲν ἂν ἡμᾶς παθεῖν ἡγοῦμαι· καὶ γὰρ ἡμῖν κἀκείνοις τοὺς βοηθοῦντας ἂν οἶμαι, εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν εἴ τις ἐμβάλοι, βοηθεῖν, οὐ συνεπιστρατεύσειν οὐδετέροις. καὶ γὰρ αἱ 10 συμμαχίαι τοῦτον ἔχουσι τὸν τρόπον, ὧν καὶ φροντίσειεν 17 ἄν τις, καὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα φύσει τοιοῦτόν ἐστιν. οὐκ ἄχρι

φάσκοντας ̓Αμφικτύονας νῦν] ' and who now give it out that they are Amphictyons.' These were the Thebans and Thessalians, and others then at Delphi with Philip at their head. The deputies of the Amphictyonic states claimed to act as representatives of all Greece, just as the Diet at Frankfort might represent the different States of Germany. See Dict. of Antiq. s. v. Amphictyony, and the note on De Cor. § 187.

οὐχ ὡς ἡδέως ἔχουσιν] • not that they are well-disposed to us, nor that they would not gratify Philip.'

ἀναισθήτους] The Thebans had the character of being stupid. So De Cor. § 55: οἱ μὲν κατάπτυστοι Θετταλοὶ καὶ ἀναίσθητοι Θηβαῖοι, and Horace, Epist. ii. 1. 224: "Boeotûm in crasso jurares aere natum."

τοῖς δ ̓ ἀγαθοῖς] while another will sit

quietly by lying in wait for the advantages.' If two Roman gladiators or other combatants fought on condition that the conqueror should fight with a third and fresh opponent, the latter was called an έφεδρος. He sat near at hand, ready to take his turn.

οὔκουν προεῖντ ̓ ἂν ἑαυτούς] • they would not then throw themselves into this.'

καὶ γὰρ . . . κἀκείνοις] ' for I think that our respective auxiliaries would aid both us and them, if either invaded the other's own country, but not join either in a war of aggression.

ὧν καὶ φροντίσειεν ἄν τις] at any rate those which a man would think any thing of.

οὐκ ἄχρι τῆς ἴσης] i. e. οὐχ οὕτως . . . ὥστε ἐξ ἴσου βούλεσθαι. ' Men are not severally friendly, either to us or the

τῆς ἴσης ἕκαστός ἐστιν εὔνους οὔθ ̓ ἡμῖν οὔτε Θηβαίοις ὥστε εἶναι καὶ κρατεῖν τῶν ἄλλων, ἀλλὰ σῶς μὲν εἶναι πάντες ἂν βούλοιντο ἕνεχ ̓ αὑτῶν, κρατήσαντας δὲ τοὺς 15 ἑτέρους δεσπότας ὑπάρχειν αὑτῶν οὐδὲ εἷς. τί οὖν ἡγοῦ μαι φοβερὸν καὶ τί φυλάξασθαι φημὶ δεῖν ἡμᾶς ; ὅπως μὴ κοινὴν πρόφασιν καὶ κοινὸν ἔγκλημα ὁ μέλλων πόλεμος 18 πρὸς ἅπαντας λάβῃ. εἰ γὰρ ̓Αργεῖοι μὲν καὶ Μεσσήνιοι καὶ Μεγαλοπολῖται καί τινες τῶν λοιπῶν Πελοποννησίων, 20 ὅσοι ταὐτὰ τούτοις φρονοῦσι, διὰ τὴν πρὸς Λακεδαιμονί ους ἡμῖν ἐπικηρυκείαν ἐχθρῶς σχήσουσι καὶ τὸ δοκεῖν ἐκδέχεσθαί τι τῶν ἐκείνοις πεπραγμένων, Θηβαῖοι δ' ἔχουσι μὲν, ὡς λέγουσιν, ἀπεχθῶς, ἔτι δ ̓ ἐχθροτέρως σχήσουσιν, ὅτι τοὺς παρ ̓ ἐκείνων φεύγοντας σώζομεν καὶ 25

...

Thebans, to the extent of wishing equally for our safety and our predominance over others.' This must be the meaning which Demosthenes intended to convey, if the clause ὥστε τῶν ἄλλων was written by him. Dindorf brackets it as the insertion of a commentator, omitting ὥστε, or rather reading σῶς τe for it, as Reiske conjectured. But OTE occurs in all the MSS., and it seems to me that the clause ὥστε εἶναι καὶ κρατεῖν τῶν ἄλλων, or something like it, is necessary to explain ἄχρι τῆς ἴσης. Certainly there is awkwardness and difficulty about it, but this is not removed by obliterating the clause, nor by any of the substitutions proposed for it. The terms εἶναι and κρατεῖν, of which the former has a pregnant sense ('servari'), are put simply at first, and then with a fuller amplification of meaning in σῶς εἶναι and κρα τήσαντας δεσπότας ὑπάρχειν afterwards. Comp. Cic. de Offic. i. 12: "Sic cum Celtiberis, cum Cimbris bellum ut cum inimicis gerebatur, uter esset, non uter imperaret."

κρατήσαντας δὲ ... οὐδὲ εἶς] • but for either to get the predominance, and be. come masters of themselves, none of them would wish.'

φημὶ δεῖν] Dindorf omits φημί, fol. lowing the codices S, Y. Το me it appears to make the clause more Demos

thenic.

nians.' When this happened is not known for certain. It probably was occasioned by some of the dependencies of Lacedaemon throwing off their allegiance after the successes of Thebes in the Peloponnesus. The Athenians wishing to preserve the balance of power, and to oppose their old enemy Thebes, would be glad to assist Sparta.

τὸ δοκεῖν ἐκδέχεσθαι] and from our seeming to take some advantage of their proceedings; or, with Mr. Kennedy, on account of our seeming to take up some of their enterprises.' Jacobs: 'weil sie glauben, dass wir bei den Unternehmungen von Jenen auf etwas lauern.' Either may here be the sense of ἐκδέχεσθαι, the literal meaning of which is to take or pick up from another what he leaves or allows to be taken. So also Rüdiger takes it: “ Rerum a Lacedaemoniis ges. tarum aliquid nobis vindicare." Reiske says, " Idem nempe significat atque τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ἐφεδρεύειν, sublegere ab altero omissa aut abjecta, aut si quae ipsi invito exciderint, sibique vindicare, vel insidiari fructui laborum ab aliis exantlatorum.” The ἐκείνοις refers to Λακεδαιμονίους κ.τ.λ. just as ἐκείνων afterwards refers to Θηβαῖοι. The meaning of ἐκδέχεσθαι was a question with Harpocration. He says of it, s. v. ἐκδεξάμενος: ἐκδέξασθαί ἐστι τὸ παρ' ἑτέρου λαβόντα αὐτὸν ἐγχειρεῖν τὸ δεύτερον ἐπισκεπτέον δὲ πῶς ἔχει τὸ ἐν πέμπτῳ Φιλιππικῶν λεχθὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ ῥής τορος; Καὶ τὸ δοκεῖν ἐκδέξασθαι τῶν ἐκείνοις πεπραγμένων.

τοὺς παρ' ἐκείνων φεύγοντας] Orche

19 πάντα τρόπον τὴν δυσμένειαν ἐνδεικνύμεθ ̓ αὐτοῖς, Θετταλοὶ δ ̓, ὅτι τοὺς Φωκέων φυγάδας σώζομεν, Φίλιππος δὲ, ὅτι κωλύομεν αὐτὸν κοινωνεῖν τῆς ἀμφικτυονίας, φοβούμαι 62 μὴ πάντες περὶ τῶν ἰδίων ἕκαστος ὀργιζόμενος κοινὸν ἐφ' ἡμᾶς ἀγάγωσι τὸν πόλεμον, τὰ τῶν ̓Αμφικτυόνων δόγματα προστησάμενοι, εἶτ ̓ ἐπισπασθῶσιν ἕκαστοι πέρα τοῦ συμφέροντος ἑαυτοῖς ἡμῖν πολεμῆσαι, ὥσπερ καὶ περὶ 5 20 Φωκέας. ἴστε γὰρ δήπου τοῦθ ̓, ὅτι νῦν Θηβαῖοι καὶ Φίλιππος καὶ Θετταλοὶ οὐχὶ ταὐτὰ ἕκαστοι μάλιστα ἐσπουδακότες ταὐτὰ πάντες ἔπραξαν, οἷον Θηβαῖοι τὸν μὲν Φίλιππον παρελθεῖν καὶ λαβεῖν τὰς παρόδους οὐκ ἠδύναντο κωλῦσαι, οὐδέ γε τῶν αὑτοῖς πεπονημένων 10 21 ὕστατον ἐλθόντα τὴν δόξαν ἔχειν νυνὶ γὰρ Θηβαίοις πρὸς μὲν τὸ τὴν χώραν κεκομίσθαι κάλλιστα πέπρακται, πρὸς δὲ τιμὴν καὶ δόξαν αἴσχιστα· εἰ γὰρ μὴ παρῆλθε Φίλιππος, οὐδὲν ἂν αὐτοῖς ἐδόκει εἶναι. ταῦτα δ ̓ οὐκ ἠβούλοντο, ἀλλὰ τῷ τὸν Ορχομενὸν καὶ τὴν Κορώνειαν λαβεῖν 15

menus and Coroneia had severed their connexion with Thebes during the Sacred War. At the end of it Philip again placed them under the supremacy of Thebes, and doubtless many of the citi zens who had rendered themselves obnoxious to the Thebans were glad to take refuge in Athens.

Θετταλοί] The Thessalians were especially bitter against the Phocians, because they had been excluded during the Sacred War from the Amphictyonic synod at Delphi, and deprived of the other privileges which they had previously enjoyed, by reason of their country having been the supposed cradle of the Hellenic race, and in consequence of their numerical as well as local predominance in the Amphictyonic assemblies. The Oetaeans in fact had proposed, when Phocis submitted to Philip, that all the Phocians of mature age should be thrown down the rock of Delphi. Hence it was natural to suppose that the Thessalians would be indignant with the Athenians, for harbouring and protecting any poor Phocians who had escaped their vengeance. Aesch. F. L. § 149.

κοινὸν ἐφ' ἡμᾶς ἀγάγωσι] may bring a war of combination against us, alleging as a pretext the decrees of the Amphic

tyons.'

οὐχὶ ταὐτὰ . . . ἐσπουδακότες] ‘though not having had each exactly the same objects.'

τῶν αὑτοῖς πεπονημένων] During the first nine years of the so called Sacred War. Comp. τῶν ἐκείνοις πεπραγμένων, § 18.

...

πρὸς μὲν . . . κεκομίσθαι] • As regards the recovery of their territory.' Demosthenes here alludes to Orchomenus and Coroneia, which Philip restored to Thebes, after they had for some time maintained their independence of her. In the F. L. § 154, he says she gained Ορχομενός, Κορώνεια, Κορσιαί, τὸ Τιλφωσσαῖον, τῆς τῶν Φωκέων χώρας ὁπόσην βούλονται.

εἰ γὰρ μὴ παρῆλθε] • for if Philip had not passed Thermopylae, it seemed that they would have gained nothing.' Reiske suggested the insertion of Tλéor between ἐδόκει and εἶναι, and Dindorf (1855) adopts it, but without any authority from the MSS. Wolf suggested that πεπραγ pévov is understood, but I do not think

So.

ταῦτα δ ̓ οὐκ ἠβούλοντο] • but this they did not wish; i. e, the seizure of Ther mopylae by Philip.