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binding, and necessary to be believed: Nor do we think the Bishop's sidewind, of repealing the declaration against Transubstantiation would carry a single Catholic into either house of Parliament. No doubt there

may be professors of our religion, who under the influence of a silly ambition, might by a little special pleading with their consciences be induced to make up their minds to go great lengths, and take very large allowances, but that any man could subscribe the oath against the Pope's Supremacy without a virtual renunciation of Catholicity, is really beyond our comprehension: and equally so, is the Bishop's assertion, that tho' the doctrine of Transubstantion contains nothing in itself dangerous to the State, yet it is evidence of principles hostile to a Protestant Constitution in Church and State.

The main point of General Thornton's speech upon which the Bishop cavils, is, his argument that it was unjust in principle to exact from persons entering office on oath that Transubstantiation is an idolatrous doctrine, when the utmost required of persons taking holy orders, is to subscribe the thirty-nine articles in which there is no such declaration :-and the amount of the Bishop's logic in combating this argument is, that Article xxviii. states Transubstantiation to be repugnant to the plain words of Scripture, that it overthroweth the nature of a Sacrament, and hath given occasion to many superstitions: and, that the Sacrament was not by Christ's ordinance reserved, carried about, lifted up, and worshipped.

Of the One Word on Dr. Milner's End of Religious Controversy, which is rather longer

than the Three Words on General Thornton's speech, we have but little to remark. The Bishop says:- [p. 14.]

"There is nothing material advanced in defence of Popery, its doc- ́ trines or usages, to which the reader will not find an answer in Bishop Bull's Letter to Bossuet and in Smith's Errors of the Church of Rome detected :--

And [p. 15.]

"The six and thirty pages addressed to the author of the Protestant's Catechism, afford no answer to that Catechism, for they invalidate none of the following positions, which are the main grounds of history and prescription, on which the Church of England stands opposed to the pretensions of Popery :'

He then proceeds to recapitulate the positions alluded to."

Taking occasion to observe that in the note at page 6, he has made a very puerile distinction between Roman Catholics and Protestant Catholics, and an equally puerile assertion that, the Church of Rome is not the Catholic Church. we shall follow. the summary method of reply which he has adopted at page 14, and refer him for a full and complete answer to each and all of his positions, to the End of Religious Controversy, the Letters to a Prebendary, Lingard's Anglo-saxon Church, and Tracts; the works of Challoner, Gother, Hornyold, Mannock, Manning, and every Catholic work of Controvery which has been published during the last two hundred years.

With Protestantism or Popery, it is not our intention to disgust our readers by any extracts, or by any lengthened observations. The tenor of it is, that concessions to Catholics are pregnant with dangers of the most awful description to Protestants; be-.

cause Catholics are bound to persecute and torture Protestants, and put them to cruel deaths;--because Catholics deny that they are so obliged, or would so do; because Catholics are not to believed even upon their oaths if they say otherwise ;because Catholics hold it lawful not to keep faith with heretics;-because Catholics are allowed to swear with mental reservation; because Catholics can be absolved from any oaths; because Catholics are permitted and obliged to commit any atrocities they may think proper with good intentions, or to promote the benefit [temporal interest we presume] of the Church;-and because a thousand more equally sound and veracious facts are by this anonymous person charged upon them, and supported by a most astounding display of words marked by inverted commas, as if they were quotations from Catholic authorities, by a most terrific disposition of italics, and a most awful and imposing attitude of small and large capitals.

To attempt to reason with a person of this description, were indeed throwing pearls before swine-if we should tell him that neither we nor our readers are of such vitiated tastes as to return him gust equal to his own recital of the horrid inflictions of infuriated bigots and insensate fanatics of different religious denominations which he has detailed with such an appalling particularity of delight, would smile with the self-complacency of triumph;-and if we should insinuate that inverted commas were not convincing, that italics were not arguments, -that capitals large and small were not proofs, and that

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clubbed together with the profusion which pevades his pamphlet, they form but a sorry substitute for logic, he would reply that he did not believe us : -but that we were plotting the overthrow of the constitution in Church and State!

The British constitution!where is it to be found?-is it in a mass of contradiction and absurdity that swells the Statutebook?-is it in the vindictive intolerance of the penal enactments against speculative points of doctrine?-is it in impotent legislation in matters of opinion?

is it in the sanguinary impracticability of our criminal code? -Protestantism and Popery has no direction to guide us in our search :-the Bishop of St. David's, [p. 18] refers us to the 30th of Car. II. the first of W. & M., &c. &c.-but we beg leave to retain our own opinion that the British constitution is not to be found in any revocable Act of Parliament, but is to be sought in the recognition of the pure, simple, and immutable principles of natural justice.

We have to observe in conclusion of our observations on these two pamphlets, that privation of civil rights for religious opinions is persecution, differing only in degree, and not in essence from the infliction of torture or death on the same pretext: and that those who are capable of advocating such measures on their continuance at the present day would on the same principle in a by-gone age, or a less-favoured clime, have proved zealous abettors of Smithfield and Tyburn executions, and Inquistorial Autos da fé, for similar offences.

The remaining pamphlet under our notice, is a very sensi

ble and well written performance in its way. But we apprehend it will not be found to answer the expectations of most of those whom its title may induce to peruse it, It seems to be an argumentative essay in favour of the preference of Unitarianism, or something very similar, to any other Christian system as a national religion; and is only connected with politics by the implication that from the simplicity of its creed, consisting only in the words of Christ as expressed in the gospel of St. John, chap. xviii. v. 3.—“ This is life eternal, that they may know thee the only true God, and Jesus Christ whom thou hast sent,"-it is admirably adapted for the promotion of order and the good of society, by its influence on the moral conduct of men. It is not our present purpose to combat the religious tenets of the author, nor to show why we disagree with him in opinion as to the moral efficacy of his creed, and its peculiar adaptation for a National Church: suffice it to say, that we decidedly object on political grounds to the term of National Church, in its usual acceptation.

We hold religion and politics, or civil government, to be things essentially distinct in their nature; and on no account. to be blended or mixed up together: and to perseverance in attempts of this nature in our opinion are to be traced most of the persecutions, bloodshed, and tyrany, of which man has so long been

the prey.

We think the people of this country are daily becoming more Convinced of this truth: and we hope the time is not far distant when the law will recognize no civil distinction between persons of the some nation professing

different religious creeds: and when men shall cease to sacrifice the political interests of their neighbours in absurd veneration of canonized errors.

A Brief Treatise on Prisons, &c. &c. By Richard Elsam, Architect, 4to. price 6s. bds.

At a

This interesting little Work, which has recently been published by Mr. Elsam, an Architect, upon the management and construction of our Prisons, --is addressed to the two Houses of Parliament, and we sincerely hope it will meet with the attention it merits. time like the present, when, notwithstanding the law displays its terrors in every Court of Justice, and religion publishes its prohibition in every place of worship, crimes of all sorts appear to increase, we hail with gratitude, as a benefactor to his country, any individual, however humble his efforts may be, who endeavours to stem the torrent of vice, by suggesting measures which have a tendency to the suppression of those enormities which spring from the depravity of human nature; but when men of the profession of the author lend their assistance to the work of human reformation, we have double occasion to rejoice---because the goodness of their intentions is seconded by the power which they derive from their intelligence, and talent to carry those intentions into effect.

By all, this Work will be found interesting and instructive; and more especially by those for whose use in particular it is designed. Without a due construction of Prisons, it is im

possible that they can be properly managed; and without proper management, the advantages of the most judicious construction must be lost :---this the author has explicitly pointed out; and he has further shewn what are the proper remedies for the evils which he exposes and deplores.

We are obliged from want of

room to postpone the insertion of the Reviews of the Bishop. of St. David's, Tracts on the Independance of the Ancient British Church, &c. Mr. O'Donogue's Strictures, and the 2nd Edition of Mr. Wix's Reflections, till our next number; when we shall have the pleasure of presenting our readers with some account of the Rev. Mr. Lingard's HISTORY OF ENG

LAND.

POETRY.

Bouquet présenté au Prieur des Grands Carmes de Saragosse par les Prêtres François refugiées dans sa Commnnanté, le jour de St. Vincent Ferrier son Patron 5 Avril 1794.

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Nota 19 Ces Vers adaptés à l'air d' une chanson connue, furent chantés devant le Prieur des Carmes par tous les Prêtres François après qu'il eut reçu le Compliment de ses Religieux. 29. Le second Pere dans la 3 Strophe, est le Provincial, excellent et saint Religieux.

ENGLISH CATHOLIC AFFAIRS.

Since our last number nothing of consequence has taken place among the English Catholics. Meetings have been held in Manchester, but no Petition

agreed to; therefore the Petition of the CATHOLIC BOARD, for conditional relief, or as the Petition to the House of Commons itself states, "such relief as your honourable house shall in your wisdom think fit to grant," will be received in the British Parliament as the sentiments of the whole body of the Catholics. But, such relief is not what the English Catholic wants, he asks for the removal of those statutes which degrade him below his fellow citizens, he asks for the enjoyment of the liberties of his Country.---those liberties which were established by his Catholic ancestors. The Catholic is willing to give every security for his allegiance to his Sovereigns, and if the Government cannot grant him his just rights without putting the Ministers of his Religion in jeopardy, he will be content to remain in the situation he now is, sooner than accept it on such terms, as shall

disgrace him in the eyes of posterity.

These are the sentiments of the Majority of the Catholics; nothing can be a greater proof than the small number of signatures to the Petition of the Board, which did not exceed Ten thousand, (and those are stated not all of them to be the signatures of adults) when the number of Catholics in England is estimated at Five hundred thousand, of which number, one fifth are men. Consequently, only one tenth of the men have signed that Petition, which had all the influence that rank and patronage could give it!!

We have no hesitation in stating, that could the Tradesmen, Mechanics, &c. of our body in this Metropolis, have met at the same public place, as we suggested in our last number, that a Petition from them for UNQUALIFIED EMANCIPATION would have had Fifty thousand signatures; but unfortunately there is no person of Rank among the Laity that could be applied to, to take the Chair at an Aggregate Meeting. This is the

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