laws will, in all probability, only serve to increase its numbers augment its energy, and embolden it in acts of retributive aggression and violence. The way to conciliation has never yet lain, per manently, through restrictive measures or vindictive persecution.

Every thing points towards the surmise that the German nation approaching a period of conflict similar to that which shock Prussia to its very foundations from 1862 to 1866-a conflict which will be only hastened by the dissolution of the German Parliament The Social Democrats are not solely to blame for this state o things. They are themselves only the offspring of the Libera legislation, which has shaken all relations to their very basement' and in the place of the abolished laws has created new ones, which themselves, again, were so crude, as to require improvement before they had experienced the trial of even a year or two. Nothing is in reality more contrary to the truth than the assertion of the Liberal speakers, that Liberalism is not the progenitor of Socialism. Who was it who re-introduced in Central Europe the cant of the Republicans of the last century-the motto which the Social Democracy now parades. —" Liberty, Equality, Fraternity?" The Liberal papers for the year 1848-1850 contain all the trite and current phrases with which the Social Democratic press at present sullies its columns. The same coarse attacks on Royalty and Religion, which are now a days laid to the charge of Socialists, disfigure the denunciations of the Citizen Liberalism of 1848. The charge now raised against Socialists--namely, that it undermines State authority-must also be brought against the Liberalism of those days. Liberalisin is, therefore, beyond all doubt, the father of the Socialism of to-day; and it is more amusing than surprising to find a man of ability, like Herr von Bennigsen, denying any relations whatever between the two. Both parties that of the National Liberals, and that of the Social Democrats,-repudiate any connexion whatever with Hödel and Nobiling. This attests, at all events, that as public bodies they not only do not advocate, but that they altogether repudiate acts of violence.

The attempt made to show that Prince Bismarck himself was au upholder of Socialism savours too much of personal political antagonism to be to our liking. Yet there is some truth in it. With a view to turning to account the Socialistic consequences of Liberalism, for the benefit of the State, he supported the Lassalle agitation with means of every description, in order to lead “the fourth estate of the poor and miserable" into the field against Liberalism. The grant of a general franchise on the occasion of founding the new German Empire was a trump-card which the then Count Bismarck played against the Liberals, but which the latter celebrated as a triumph of their own exertions. The work

ing men, of course, sought to draw the greatest possible advantages for their purposes out of this war of interests between Liberalism and the Government, and at present are a force to be counted by hundreds of thousands. The solid march of the "working men battalions," with which Privy Councillor Wagner, threatened Liberalism, has now become a positive reality.

The danger of Democratic Socialism having manifested itself in too clear a light to be longer overlooked, Prince Bismarck endeavoured to combat it by a Conservative Socialism. At almost all the universities chairs were created for Political Economy, which were entrusted to the hands of so-called pulpit Socialists, who laid down the Socialistic doctrines in the spirit of Protestant orthodoxy and of true loyalty. The Ultramontanes amalgamated the Socialistic doctrines with Roman Catholic dogma, and thus each of these otherwise Conservative parties sought to make use of the working classes by means of specially prepared Socialistic doctrines of salvation, for their own political purposes.

But the leaders of the working classes were too clever to allow themselves to be caught either by one side or the other; they utilised the errors and mistakes of the Conservatives, of the Ultramontanes, and Liberals, and command now an army of zealous Socialists who believe implicitly in them.

Whilst the Government chaplains were seeking to gain over the Socialists, they themselves were calling upon the people to withdraw from the territorial church, and the Kultur-kampf sprang up in opposition to the Cultus-gemeinden.

Government was reduced in 1875 to demand exceptional laws to meet the evils of Socialism but whilst the National Liberal majority was ready enough to pass a clause in the penal code which banished the Jesuits out of Germany, it refused to pass a clause for the suppression of Socialistic agitation.

These are conditions which eat into the body of the German Empire like an ulcer, and they have already done a damage which is irreparable. The two attempts made, so soon the one after the other, upon the life of a beloved and aged monarch, has, however, suddenly roused all minds to a sense of horror and dismay at the progress which Socialism has made, and a specific is sought for on all sides, against an evil which it is averred has already even affected the army. Scarcely had the news of the first attempt upon the Emperor's life spread abroad than another exceptional law was drawn up against the Socialists. This was once more met by the cry of re-action from the Liberal camp, and once more the bill was rejected by the National Liberals. The Social Democrats did not even take a part in the discussion. The Ultramontanes would only give their support on condition that the Falck Laws were

abolished. Now that a second attempt has intensified the horror entertained at the progress of Socialism, Prince Bismarck has deemed that a favourable opportunity presents itself to dissolve Parliament altogether, and to proceed to new elections-time alone can show with what results. It is to be hoped it will be in favour of peace and order. But with a system of conscription for military service which admits of no substitutes; with religion and educational scepticism carried so far that even science and history are accused of falsification, and with a depressed state of trade and business, the law, the police, and the military, may keep down any dangerous movement; but it will take time to eradicate the evil. It is the social disease of the day in Germany, and if debarred from publicity, it will, till overcome, be all the more to be feared when acting in secret. At all events, a severe crisis may be said to be awaiting an empire of only eight years' standing.

THE POLICY OF THE CONGRESS.

Ir is a most remarkable fact, and one at the same time that is not a little encouraging to the future, that the Liberal papers should suddenly have discovered when a Congress was decided upon, that Great Britain had interests in the East beyond the maintenance of the Suez Canal, the opening of the Dardenelles, and the navigation of the Persian Gulf. The policy to be pursued by the English Government at the Congress urged itself to the front, and those who had been declaiming against all and every step made by that government to allay the ravages of war, to stem the progress of ambition, and, if possible, to bring about peace, found that the door being opened for arrangement, it was incumbent on their part to have a policy also.

The programme of such a policy was set forth in considerable detail in the Times, has since been actively canvassed in the Liberal political circles, and although it will present little novelty to our readers, it has excited surprise among those, who solely occupied with opposition, in the questions of the day, took no heed of the future, nor concerned themselves in any way with ultimate results.

It has been discovered, then, at the last moment, that whatever becomes of the Treaty of San Stefano in a European Congress, a large part of the political changes expressed in it-it may be said, indeed, the one central change upon which all its minor re-arrangements depend-must remain unaffected by the deliberations and decisions of the Powers. Assume, it is argued, that the convention between Russia and the Porte be modified to the utmost; assume that "concession" be carried by the former Power to the furthest conceivable and beyond the furthest probable point-and there

would still subsist enough of its provisions to transform entirely the relations which obtained between Russia and Turkey down to 1877. Turkey would become and remain the dependent of Russia throughout her European dominions; or, rather, it would be correct to say that Turkey would cease to be a European Power at all. Cut and carve new Bulgari as we may, confine the Russianised portion of it within as narrow limits as we can, and as thoroughly as we will, and still the position of Russia will be that of a strong Power which, by a series of successful wars, has pushed its influence further and further into the territory of a weaker neighbour, until it holds that neighbour's capital virtually at its mercy. It is overlooked, in this argument, that by Russia's possession of the Trans-Caucasian provinces, as also of the greater part of Armenia, that Turkey, and even Persia, are just as much threatened as Asiatic Powers, as the former is by the Russianisation of Bulgaria and Servia, threatened as a European Power.

And here comes the sudden light which has been cast over the Liberal party. This position they have discovered to be intolerable, and to this country more obviously so than to any other. For since it is certain that, after all, the Congress must assent in a more or less disguised form to the extinction of Turkey as an independent European Power, it results that when the various European interests thereby exposed to attack have been safeguarded as best they may, the Eastern Question of the future will become purely Asiatic and exclusively our own. South of the Sea of Marmora and the Black Sea, the advance of Russia would infringe upon no single interest which was not an English interest, and upon none, therefore, which any other Power but England is concerned in protecting. In such a state of things as that it would be impossible for us to acquiesce, whatever the rest of Europe might do; and we are designated therefore by the circumstances of our Empire, as the Power which, by the assumption of new influence to itself, must balance the influence conquered for herself by Russia.

That some such balance must be provided, is taken to be so clear as to be hardly worth arguing. It is not to be thought of, that, after all the bloodshed and turmoil and anxiety of the last three years, the Eastern Question should be patched up on terms which will allow Russia to renew the old game of intrigue and conquest a few years hence, and from a newly-acquired position of immense advantage. That no European Power should consent to, and England least of all. An end must be put to this insufferable recurrent series of Panslavist conspiracies, Turkish atrocities, and Russian invasions; and, the last attack having prospered as it has, there is no longer any way but one of breaking through the circle. We cannot set back Russian influence behind the bounds which ill

confined it two years ago; we cannot prevent the establishment, however we may curtail the area, of the new Russian outpost south of the Danube-a Servia within easy reach of its suzerain's heart; but all the more need therefore that Europe should begin to push forward its own outposts to meet those of Russia. Wherever the frontier line be drawn by the Congress, whether in Europe or Asia, there, it should be well understood, a halt is called to the advance of Ruscia, and any step further will bring her into collision with a European Power.

But treaties alone will not ensure resistance to continued aggression. The Power which may be looked to, to keep such a frontier inviolate, must be present to guard it-present, that is to say, morally, if not materially. What arrangement of this sort can be devised for the protection of the remnant of Turkey in Europe it is not exactly presumed to determine, but such an arrangement is declared to be clearly practicable in Asia, and England is the Power which should claim, as she certainly might be trusted, to superintend it. Russia, wherever her new Asiatic frontier be drawn, should be strictly confined within it for the future; and this cannot be done save by providing that she shall not overstep it without being immediately confronted by some Power of greater moral influence, and far greater material strength than herself.

The Daily News, which it is well-known represents a large section of the Liberals, almost alone withholds its countenance from this courageous policy. Some of our contemporaries, it observes, who have been for months very properly objecting to the seizure of Asiatic Turkey by Russia, have discovered that it is indispensable that England should at once assume the government of all Turkey henceforth and for ever. We say "assume the government of Turkey," not that this precise phraseology is employed, but the proposal is made in terms which admit of no other meaning. We are not only" to assert our influence," but exercise a regulative authority over Turkish administration, sufficient to ensure good government, and to do so to the exclusion of any other Power. "We are in no haste to discuss this singular proposal; ... but as this scheme has not been brought forward without some purpose, it may not be amiss to suggest that it would be better to continue to treat the affairs of Turkey as the common interest of Europe.'

From the other side-the Conservative-we have the following clear and bold language, reminding us of what England was before it became pseudo-sentimental and pseudo-philanthropic, socialising and sanitarianising--in fact, pre-eminently and almos solely parochial. "The East is coming closer to us, not receding. and the Imperial Power which does not augment, spread, br oaden,