pore, in negotiation or in war, for paradoxi- it ought to have been commenced at the cal and unexpected results. The disputes time of the original collision, when Mr. at Canton, and the consequent display of Gladstone characteristically advocated the English force, led to Lord Elgin's promising right of the Chinese to destroy the invader treaty, and the attempt to ratify the engage- by poisoning their wells. Even if the govment produced the disaster on the Peiho. ernment of Pekin were, in the first instance, The results of the English and French ex- entitled to shut up the empire with a wall of pedition which lately left Hong Kong for brass, it by no means follows that the treaties the north are, for the present, extremely of Sir Henry Pottinger and Lord Elgin are doubtful. to be regarded as waste paper, for the deThe majority of the few residents in Eng-fence of a possession which may at a former land who possess any special knowledge of time have been wrongfully acquired may China deprecate an undertaking which may often become both justifiable and necessary. be mischievous by its success as well as by Where so much may be said on both sides its failure. It is asserted, with much plau- of the question, it is as well to leave it unsibility, that the imperial government is the said. The immediate occasion of the present spring or regulator of a vast and delicate war is also unfortunately in a high degree machine, which may at any moment become questionable, but in the middle of a camincapable of working. Notwithstanding tem- paign it is too late to examine the merits or porary interruptions and local exceptions, the quarrel. the rule of Pekin maintains order among a In answer to the objection which is founded fourth part of the human race; and it is im- on the duty of maintaining the imperial govpossible to estimate the confusion which ernment, a well-known writer in the Times, might be produced by the withdrawal of the substituting his own experience for the ordicentral object of obedience. Provincial re- nary function of discussion and criticism, bellions have long since been recognized by asserts that the unity of the Chinese is a the Chinese mind as a customary exception mere fiction, and that their most remarkable to the general unity of the empire; but it is quality consists in their capacity for local or said that the humiliation of the government municipal organization. According to this by the capture of Pekin would dissolve the theory, the government and mandarins of allegiance of the subject population and pro- the capital are mainly responsible for all acts duce a state of universal anarchy. A com- of hostility to foreigners, and it is desirable mercial war which led to the destruction of to cripple their power and to punish their national industry would be as complete a ill-feeling by a vigorous attack on Pekin. mistake as an unreasonable demand which It must be admitted that the cool indiffermight drive a substantial debtor to bank- ence of the provincial authorities seems to ruptcy. It may be conjectured that the an- show that it is easier to establish friendly cient equilibrium of social order in China is relations in detail than to conclude a satistoo stable to be overthrown in a single cam- factory arrangement with the empire as a paign, and that the prophets of evil, like all whole. When one viceroy at the outbreak other theorists on the same subject, are too of a war leases ground for an enemy's camp, confident and dogmatic in their propositions. and another receives an English consul at On the other hand, their views are supported his own invitation, the bonds which unite by the moralists who, like Mr. Gladstone the official hierarchs with their august chief when he was out of office, regard a war for must be singularly elastic, if they are not the purpose of forcing admission to China already broken. The candid student inclines as a crime, which happens incidentally to be to either opinion in turn, as it seems to be also a blunder. There is no doubt that it is recommended by argument or authority; highly unsatisfactory to attack a population but, as a practical politician, he would probwhich can never be induced to maintain the ably refuse to take the most trivial step ordinary etiquette of hostilities. The na- either on the hypothesis that China is a hive tives are as willing to work for the invader with its indispensable queen-bee at Pekin, as to serve their own government, and the or on the assumption that it is rather to be mandarins themselves, at a short distance considered as a vast federal republic. There from the scene of action, interchange cour- is no more vulgar abuse of the great adtesies with the foreign officers. The gover- vantage of newspapers than the propensity nor-general of Canton has just granted to to adopt positive opinions on insufficient the English a perpetual lease of a piece of grounds. Even the government has probaground for the purpose of forming a camp bly contented itself by issuing the most genopposite Hong Kong. The inquiry into the eral instructions to Lord Elgin and to the moral justification of the war would go deep naval and military commanders. into the principles of ethical philosophy, and

If it proves to be true that the entrance

to the Peiho is strongly fortified, it may be presumed that the generals and admirals will rather turn the defences than run their heads against a wall. The estimate which will be formed of their capacity will correspond with their success or failure even more closely than in ordinary wars, when the strategical conditions of the contest are approximately understood. After the result of the two former wars, the country will not be tolerant of defeat, nor is it possible to suppose that any superiority of numbers can enable the Chinese armies to meet the allies in the field. The principal danger is to be dreaded from the climate, from the nature of the country, and from a calculated absence of resistance. Those who are responsible for the conduct of the campaign have, of course, considered the nature as well as the extent of the difficulties with which they will have to contend.

From The Saturday Review. NAPLES AND AUSTRIA. THE absurd report that Garibaldi had personally visited Naples illustrates the strangely anomalous relations which at present exist between the belligerents. The principal lieutenant of the invading general is elected to the Neapolitan Parliament. Naval officers resign their commissions in preference to undertaking service against Italians. The three-colored flag symbolizes the principles of both the contending parties, and the professed foreign policy of the royal government is, like the constitution itself, virtually dictated by Garibaldi. The ministers are probably doing their best to give reality to their cause, although it is defective in purpose, in meaning, and in basis, and wholly devoid of popular or military support; but the restored exiles, who are the natural leaders of the Liberal party, almost unanimously advocate Civilians on this side of the world can only annexation to Piedmont, while the king, the wish that the confederate armies may, if pos- court, and the reactionary portion of the sible, act apart; and they may hope, with army undoubtedly hope once more to esmore confidence, that any measures which tablish an irresponsible tyranny under the may be adopted will be short, sharp, and patronage of Austria. The programme or decisive. Experienced soldiers, who have manifesto of the government is like a column taken a part in the former wars, believe that taken from a report of some dismal social it is possible both to excite the Chinese into science association. "Cardinal reforms of a state of national hostility, and to teach legislative principles," "amelioration of them to fight. The nation may regard the the condition of the poorer classes," "imdefeat of the Tartar troops and the humilia-provement of public instruction," "progress tion of the imperial dignitaries with a toler- of material interests "-phrases of this kind ation which would break down during a may serve to amuse the leisure of idle genprolonged campaign. If the imperial gov- tlemen at Liverpool or Bradford, but the ernment were familiar with the state of Italians will not be regenerated by bits of opinion in England, there might be found stale abstractions which would be equally additional encouragement to resistance. consistent with the constitutional principles Whatever philanthropists or utilitarians may of New York, Rome, or St. Petersburg. assert, war, like punishment, can only be Soon after delivering themselves of their justified as the proper expression of right- string of platitudes, the ministers have been eous resentment. For the defence of free- obliged to proclaim a state of siege in the dom, for the redress of injuries, even for the capital, and to dissolve the electoral comreclamation of a disputed territory, it may mittees. In other words, constitutional freebe lawful, as it is natural, to resort to arms; dom is suspended by martial law, and when but a war unaccompanied by the excitement the crisis is over, the constitution itself will of anger is repulsive to the conscience. No probably have disappeared. In a few days, Englishman, with the exception of those who it is highly probable that the army and the in China itself have had time to cultivate mass of the people will have declared in fathe antipathies of neighborhood and famil- vor of the national cause. The rumor of iarity, desires to injure a hair of any China- Garibaldi's unopposed disembarkation in man's head, or to coerce his inclinations in Calabria seems to be confirmed by the stateany matter which is unconnected with the ment on the other side, that a few of his folpurchase of tea, and silk, and the sale of lowers had been defeated at Reggio and cutlery and Manchester fabrics. All free nations place a large confidence in their rulers and agents, and the responsible authorities have in this instance affirmed that the war is unavoidable. The announcement that it is at an end will be accepted with far more readiness and satisfaction.

pursued into the interior. The Neapolitan accounts of Sicilian affairs always bore a similar relation to the facts, and it is probable that even the constitutional telegraph may not have unlearned the art of official lying.

There are strong reasons for commencing

the enterprise without delay, for the pressure on the Court of Turin is becoming too strong to be borne without recourse either to concession or to open resistance. More than 20,000 men, regularly organized and armed, have joined the liberating general from the Sardinian ports, and further connivance will probably be treated by Austria as equivalent to a declaration of war. If Naples were once in the possession of the national party, it would be almost impossible for any foreign power to interfere for the restoration of the dynasty; but as long as the king has a nominal throne and an army in the field, he may, in conformity with precedents, invite the support of an ally in his resistance to insurgents and invaders. The motives which may induce Austria to grant the aid which will probably be asked are neither obscure nor altogether blamable. There can be no doubt that Garibaldi entertains ulterior designs against Venetia, although it is improbable that he has indulged in rash and idle boasts of exploits to be performed in a remote future. The declared enemy of every foreigner who holds a yard of Italian soil, his presence, whether at Palermo or at Naples, must be a menace to Austria and to Rome. The position of Lamoricière and of the French garrison may probably encourage the Austrian government in active opposition to an enterprise which must necessarily be unwelcome to France. There must be a strong temptation to attempt a recovery, at the expense of Italy alone, of the laurels which were lost in the Lombard campaign of 1859. In short, the reasons for interference are so plausible and obvious as to account for the premature statements that the measure has already been formally announced.

If the auxiliary desired to conform to the letter or spirit of international law, his interference must take place on the demand of the existing government, and for the purpose of maintaining its authority; yet the constitutional king is at this moment imploring an alliance with Piedmont, of which the indispensable condition must be participation in a contingent war with Austria. There are some precedents which might seem to authorize foreign interference in favor of an absolute king, notwithstanding his own professions of devotion to a liberal constitution. The French marched into Spain under the Duke of Angoulême on the wellfounded assumption that Ferdinand's professions of liberalism were unmixed perjuries. Two or three years earlier, the Austrians themselves had, with less ceremony, forced another Ferdinand to follow their own march into his own dominions when they suppressed the constitution of Naples. The lapse of forty years, the dissolution of the Holy Alliance, and the change which has taken place in the general feeling of Europe, have rendered practical interpretations of international law less openly lawless. An Austrian march on Naples might find a plausible excuse as an anticipation of the designs of a future enemy, but the personal intentions of Garibaldi can form no justification for the forcible enslavement of the partially liberated Neapolitans. If the Burbons have still adherents, an appeal to Austrian arms would probably produce the same effect on their persevering allegiance as the similar blunder and crime which was committed by a more respectable dynasty in Tuscany. Austria herself has no Italian sympathies to lose, and a rash enterprise would risk the breach of European relations which it would be danYet the arguments in favor of the justice gerous to sacrifice. No English government, and expediency of a prudent inaction are however sensible of the importance of Gerequally intelligible, and far more conclusive. man alliances, would attempt to thwart the For military purposes, it is evident that Aus- universal feeling which would animate the tria would be stronger in defending the Min-country in a defensive war for the freedom cio than in attacking the Neapolitan terri- and independence of Italy in opposition to tory, even if security were previously obtained an Austrian intruder. The understanding against any opposition on the part of France. The Quadrilateral can only be endangered by a large regular army, while in Southern Italy light columns, raw levies, and daring partisans would hamper the movements of the Austrian masses, and endanger their communications. The appearance of a foreign invader would, morcover, remove any lingering difference of opinion as to the right of Garibaldi to represent the cause of Italy and Naples. The moderate Liberals have at present a sufficiently untenable position, but they could scarcely persuade themselves or others that they were defending the constitution with the aid of an Austrian army.

which was established at Töplitz can scarcely have included a promise of Prussian support in any such undertaking.

The difficulties of interference are so numerous that rapid action on the side of Gar ibaldi will probably place the independence of Naples beyond the reach of attack. His foresight in postponing the immediate annexation of Sicily is proved by every additional complication in which the Sardinian government is involved. A dictator who is not recognized by unfriendly powers evades the necessity of answering many embarrassing remonstrances. Count Cavour may to a certain extent protest, with more or less

sincerity, that his sovereign is not responsi- but we fear an exaggerated, compliment to ble for acts which he has even vainly en- the sense of pecuniary probity among the deavored to prevent. The assumption of great nations of Europe. Unfortunately, independence by an agent or a partner is the United States of America would not highly convenient in some exceptional cir- have much difficulty at any moment in obcumstances. When the transaction is suc- taining a place among the great powers if it cessfully completed, the capitalist in the suited American policy to do so; and at background will step forward to receive the least two sovereign members of that confedprofits of a slightly contraband undertaking. eracy have repudiated their debts. It is inEven at present, it might perhaps not be deed not easy to say on which of the prinimpossible to fix Sardinia with liability for ciples usually allowed to determine such the war in the south, but it is not the inter- questions Spain is excluded from those deest of the Neapolitan court to precipitate a liberations which settle the destinies of Euquarrel, and Austria will choose her own time rope. In population and territorial extent, for the struggle which seems to be ultimately in the size of her army and the amount of inevitable. her revenue, she is fully entitled to admission. She was not more deeply humiliated than Prussia had been when the great treaties which regulate the condition of Europe were executed, and she contributed at least as much as any other nation to the overthrow of Napoleon. It would seem as if she were depressed below her natural rank by a succession of small political peccadilloes and slight domestic miscarriages rather than by any serious decrepitude. The loss of her South American colonies and her civil war were certainly calamities when they occurred, but in the long run they have added to her resources rather than diminished them; and even the outward humiliation which they occasioned was not deeper than that underwent by at least two of the great powers in 1848 and 1849. The true sources of the low consideration in which Spain has hitherto been held seem to be the miserable character of her court, the corruption of her public life, and the self-seeking of her statesmen. At last she appears to feel conscious of nobler springs of action, but diplomatists are slow to recognize the resurrection of a community which has voluntarily submitted to so much degradation.

The prophets of evil naturally find many perils in the approaching accession of Naples to the Italian cause, but their warnings would be better entitled to attention if they had any reasonable alternative to propose. It is perfectly true that the difficulty of amalgamating a mass of provinces into a kingdom may involve some danger to the cause of constitutional government. On the other hand, it may be remarked, that freedom has not hitherto, in the separate kingdom of Naples, found herself altogether on a bed of roses. The power of self-defence is the first, though not the sole, condition of self-government. The former states of Italy, even if their princes had been willing to concede constitutional rights, were never allowed to enjoy them. Austria exercised military rule at different times in Naples, in the Romagna, in Parma, in Modena, and in Tuscany. Italian patriots think the control over their own front door even more indispensable than the judicious organization of the household, and the chances of future encroachment by national kings must be dealt with hereafter. Sovereign for sovereign, the loyal administrator of constitutional Piedmont offers better guarantee for the performance of his promises than the frightened scion of the false Bourbon stock. If the brave and wise Italians who have conducted the national movement achieve a solution of their difficulties beyond their hopes and equal to their desires, they will readily allow their anxious well-wishers abroad to anticipate the worst future results.

It is easier to pronounce that the admission of a new power to the councils of Europe would be an important event than to say what the character of the influence exercised by Spain could be. There is almost as little known about her as there was when she suddenly appeared as a powerful nation at the end of the fifteenth century. Some of the greatest disturbances of the relations of states have been occasioned by the rapid rise into strength and wealth of communities which had not been hitherto important THE Spanish Government is said to have enough to affect political calculation. Spain, recently made several attempts to get itself till the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, did admitted into the Councils of Europe as a not stand in the European system on a great, or first-class, power. The claim has higher level than do Sweden and Denmark been rejected-on the ground, suggests the at the present moment; but fifty or sixty intelligent writer of the Times' Money Arti- years afterwards she occupied the very first cle, that Spain neglects to discharge her pub-rank, and it was probably her influence which lic money obligations. This is a natural, saved the Roman Catholic Church, and pre

From The Saturday Review.
SPAIN.

vented Protestantism from becoming the re- court is said to have adopted a life of conligion of nine-tenths of Europeans. Conse-ventual austerity, as a partial expiation of quences hardly less momentous followed the the sins of Victor Emmanuel. A little comappearance of Russia among the circle of pulsory self-denial is so desirable a lesson great states at the end of the last century. for her Spanish majesty to learn, that one is But for her sudden consolidation of re- sorry to feel that her vices are less injurious sources, Napoleon might have made himself to her subjects than her efforts to be virtupermanent master of the west; and but for ous. Sackcloth and fasting are innocent her influence in the cabinets of European enough in themselves, but, unluckily, they sovereigns, constitutional freedom would suggest to Queen Isabella the perpetual wish have spread over Europe after 1830, instead to give the holy father some more efficaof withering under the incubus of the Czar cious assistance. Hence a perpetual pressNicholas' intrigues. A part hardly less con- ure is put on O'Donnell to declare war spicuous might be played on the theatre of against Sardinia or despatch troops to Sicily; public affairs by the United States, if they but this O'Donnell positively declines to do. had not followed with tolerable consistency It is understood that he is complacent enough the policy of confining themselves to their to use in favor of the pope whatever diploown continent. It would be preposterous matic influence the Spanish government posto predict for Spain that, on her re-appear- sesses; and there is a general belief that, if ance in diplomacy, she will alter European Pius IX. is forced to quit Italy, he will take equilibrium as seriously as she did before; but still it is probable that no state has so large a fund of surprises in ambush. Immense natural wealth, hitherto entirely undeveloped, and a hardy population, hitherto virtually unemployed, are being for the first time turned to their proper objects by the latest inventions of modern science. It is not too much to say that railroads and steam machinery are restoring to the Spaniards the Peru they have lost.

refuge in Spain. But the Spanish premier is neither servile nor insane enough to embark in a war with France, and perhaps with England, for the sake of keeping his mistress' good grace. There is no doubt, therefore, that she is eager to supplant him, could she prevail on any other statesman to take office on her terms. Hitherto, she is believed to have failed in inducing even the most ultra-Catholic of Spanish politicians to accept her conditions; and, indeed, besides If these anticipations are chimerical, the the transparent folly of the policy she wishes flaw which vitiates them is certainly not to impose on her ministers, there is sometheir intrinsic baselessness. The causes thing else to deter aspirants from swallowing which may, perhaps, confine Spain to her the bait she holds out, in the probability present low degree are apparently trivial that, if driven to extremity, O'Donnell will accidents of her position-the debasement fight. Since his first elevation to power, he of her royal house being chief among them. It happens that tranquillity and confidence are among the first conditions of her continued improvement, and these Queen Isabella has the means of disturbing or destroying whenever she pleases. It is said that she is now bent on getting rid of her minister, O'Donnell, the only statesman in Spain under whom constitutional government is likely to be any thing else than a pretext for anarchy. The queen is not supposed to dislike him particularly, but she and her husband are laboring under a violent fit of devotional ecstacy, and it is believed that they consider all their hopes of salvation to depend on their succoring the pope in his extremity. The immediate instrument employed in producing this passion of superstition is an impostor whose name is great in Roman Catholic countries, the Nun Patro-ast. cinio, under whose influence the Spanish]

has made a surprisingly good constitutional statesman, displaying considerable tact in the management of assemblies and much moderation in the exercise of power. But still it cannot be forgotten that he was originally the creature of a military revolution, and that, since the expedition to Morocco, he has the whole of the army at his back. It is no wonder that his rivals do not consider him quite safe to meddle with; and, indeed, miserable as would be a breach of the civil peace which Spain has now enjoyed for an unusual number of years, a resort to arms would be almost justified if its object were to prevent the queen of Spain from placing the fortunes of her country at the disposal of a half-mad religious adventuress, by whose side Brother Prince of the Agapemone is a respectable and harmless enthusi