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dare, she could any day find a pretext for reducing the viceroy of Egypt to a state of complete subserviency. Great pains have been taken to excite hopes of French aid in the whole Christian population, not only of the Mediterranean islands and of Syria, but of Abyssinia and the more southern Christian settlements in Africa. The port of Zula has lately been acquired by France as a station in the Red Sea, and as the key to maritime communications with Abyssinia. The Imam of Zanzibar has very recently been compelled by armed force to yield certain claims pressed on him by the French consul, and within the last few years two attempts have been made to get a hold on Madagascar. We cannot absolutely disregard these things, and it is foolish to deny their possible importance. We may reasonably hope to take such defensive precautions as will keep the Mediterranean and the Red Sea open to English commerce; but we shall not make it more easy to do so by treating with too superb a contempt the political designs of a country that possesses half a million of armed men, and that burns to rival and eclipse us.

We do not the least wish to thwart the legitimate influence of France, nor have we any reason to complain if Greeks turn Latins to please her, and if Latin Christians look up to her for protection. What we object to is that she should use her power to close our communications with India, and shut us out of the commerce of the East. This, we may be sure, is her secret aim in the formation of the great dependency of which she is dreaming. We can only resolve to do our best to prevent it, and we have a very fair chance of succeeding. We have the great advantage of being on the defensive. Something must be changed to our loss before we can be in serious danger: We hold the best positions. Malta and Corfu in the Mediterranean, Perim and Aden in the Red Sea, and Mauritius in the Indian Ocean, are incomparably better positions than any the French have got, or can get without beating us at sea. It is true that, if France and Russia were to combine, we should have hard work to hold our own, and we could not prevent the Ottoman Empire falling to pieces at once. But there is a great deal that must happen before France and Russia can really combine. It is a standing maxim of Napoleonic policy that France can never permit Constantinople and St. Petersburg to be held by the same Power; and unless Constantinople is to be the price of Russian assistance or connivance, why should it be given ? M. de Rémusat has very truly remarked, that the Eastern question is so complicated and so alarming, that when

the moment of action comes each of the rival powers is likely to shrink from attempting to solve it by force. If the Emperor resolves on a French intervention in Syria, he will be obliged to proceed very cautiously, and at each stage of the process we shall have the time and opportunity to make his intervention as harmless as possible. If he intervenes, we can intervene; and if he stays there, we can stay there. The Turks may be driven out of Syria, and it is not easy to see how the Porte can escape the terrible alternative of quarrelling either with its Christian friends or its Mahometan subjects; but we can take care that the overthrow of the Turks shall not mean simply the incoming of the French.

From The Saturday Review, 28 July.
SYRIA.

THE acquiescence of the English Cabinet in the French attack upon Syria seems to have been at the same time unwilling and hasty, while it was, perhaps, ultimately inevitable. Lord John Russell properly required that a convention should be signed with the Porte, but it does not appear that he succeeded in obtaining any promise that the forms of international law should be even ostensibly respected. The French Ambassador relied, with admirable coolness on the treaty of 1856, which expressly provides for the exclusive sovereignty of the sultan in his own dominions by excluding all right of interference on the part of foreign powers; and an expedition into the heart of Asiatic Turkey was organized before it was thought necessary to go through the form of asking the assent or co-operation of England. The disembarkation of the first corporal's guard on the coast of Syria, without the previous authority of the Porte, would be an act of war, as it would undoubtedly be the commencement of an intended territorial conquest. According to the semi-official Constitutionnel, "the most energetic adhesion will reply in Europe, as in France, to the noble initiative of the sovereign who governs us. No one will be surprised to hear that. French troops will be immediately embarked to bear succor to the Christians in the East." It is true that the sovereign who affects to govern Europe, and who is now making his first attempt upon Asia, would excite little surprise if he disturbed the peace of the world by a sudden assault on any unoffending neighbor or stranger; but it is not altogether satisfactory that England should take a part in the "energetic adhesion" of which his organs naturally boast. Another Parisian journal amiably suggests a motive for

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the submission of the English Government, Italy, a selfish enterprise is decorated with a in the remark that the respect paid by the show of disinterested generosity; but in the Druses to the English Consul at Damascus present undertaking the imperial idea will might be regarded as an insult to a nation be still more visibly connected with an obwhich hesitated to assist the vengeance of ject of material aggrandizement. The emFrance. It is pleasant to be treated as ac- peror's designs on Savoy and Nice were kept complices in the crimes of savage tribes, and secret during the Lombard campaign, but at the same time, to be the humble auxiliaries the dismemberment of the Turkish Empire of civilized ambition. Nevertheless it may be must be the obvious result of a successful prudent to obtain from the aggressor the struggle in Syria. French patronage will fragile security which may be furnished by be as necessary to the Maronites after they diplomatic courtesies and by formal pledges. have been avenged on their enemies as at More than thirty years have passed since a the landing of the army on the Syrian coast. French army took temporary possession of The tenacity of a French Protectorate has another dependency of the Porte, and Syria been sufficiently displayed during the long will be more tempting than Algeria to the na- occupation of Rome. tional cupidity and vanity. It remains to be seen whether the promises of the Emperor Napoleon will be more definite or better kept than the vague assurances which were utterly disregarded by Charles X. and his suc

cessors.

The extent of the danger which threatens the peace of the world can only be duly estimated when it is known how far the other neighbors of Turkey are implicated in the Imperial plot. Although Russia can scarcely regard with complacency a project for esThe pretext for the invasion of the sultan's tablishing Latin ascendency in Syria, her dominions has probably already disappeared. repugnance may not improbably have been The Maronites seem to have renewed, by bought off by some secret compact of partisome kind of compact, the peace which they tion. When Prince Gortschakoff received probably broke under the instigation of the eager support of the French Ambassador their priests. The ferocity of the Druses in his overture for creating a disturbance in may have appeared more formidable than European Turkey, the war in the Lebanon the arms of the distant ally and protector may probably have been anticipated at Paris, who is now prepared to use their sufferings although it was not yet meditated by the as an excuse for his own ambitious projects. Druses. Several months since, the probaLong before the French army can reach Da- bility of Eastern commotions was openly dismascus, the authors of the massacre will cussed at the Tuileries with that prophetic have retired to their mountains; nor will it sagacity which belongs to soothsayers who be possible to punish the culprits except by have the means of carrying out their own a war of systematic extermination. The predictions. If the Prince Regent of Prusexpedition is designed not for the adjust-sia had entered into negotiations for a treament of disputes among the tribes of the Lebanon, but as the means of converting Syria into a French province or dependency. If the object is attained, a similar operation will take place in Egypt-perhaps on the pretence of securing the rights of French shareholders in the imaginary Suez Canal. The passage from Alexandria to the Red Sea may possibly be left open for Indian traffic as long as England "energetically adheres to the noble initiative of the sovereign who governs us." On the whole, it has been thought safer to disturb the peace of the East than to pursue the Rhenish intrigue after the interview of Baden, or to attempt the annexation of Belgium in defiance of the recent national manifestation. The general disturber hopes that the ignorance or jealousy of Europe may enable him once more to carry on a single-handed conflict with an isolated opponent. Sooner or later, England must resist the meditated conquest of the East, but the other great powers may possibly be lulled into neutrality, or even bribed into acquiescence. In Syria as in

sonable partition of Germany, the mountaineers of the Lebanon would perhaps never have been employed to prepare the disruption of the Ottoman Empire. The Russian alliance of 1859, although its terms have never been divulged, has always remained in force for the purposes which perhaps are now about to be accomplished. În 1840, the union of the four powers defeated M. Thiers' attempt to detach Syria and Egypt from Turkey, under the dominion of a French dependent. If Russia now thinks it expedient to offer France the same bribe which the Emperor Nicholas held out to England in 1854, the division of the sick man's chattels may probably be soon commenced.

The allegation that Austria assents to the French expedition requires to be confirmed or explained. Notwithstanding the pressure which has been used by France and Russia, the Austrian government can scarcely be blind to the danger of an aggressive war undertaken for the benefit of her two ambitious neighbors. The recent approximation of Austria to Prussia would be utterly incon

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sistent with an alliance which would be patience must appeal to him as much in the alarming to Germany, and almost openly interest of society as in his own interest; hostile to England. The squabbles of the and the interest of society is a motive which tribes of the Lebanon concern the Govern- it requires some education and intelligence, ments of the continent far less nearly than and, perhaps, also, some degree of affluence, the restless intrigues of France; nor is any to feel. But the Belgian press has done its statesman deluded by the sympathy which duty well in setting before the people the looks for objects at Damascus, while robbery real character of that socialism which reigns and murder perpetrated by the pious Chris- at the Tuileries; and the result is, that, if tians of Montenegro are habitually counte- the French government means to annex Belnanced and protected. If Russia and France gium, it must evidently be done by the prohave determined on a joint robbery of Tur- cess which, in these days, is distastekey, any other power which joins in the un- ful- of open rapine, not by "universal dertaking deserves the reward which will in- suffrage." It was somewhat disturbing to evitably follow on its dishonesty and folly. read confident assertions in the French proThe barbarism of Syria and the miserable pagandist press that the loyalty shown to weakness of the Turkish government unfor- King Leopold was only that" of official cirtunately furnish a color of justification for cles;" that the king's consciousness of the French interference. It would have been fact rendered his tone "rather one of resigdifficult to oppose in the first instance a pre- nation than of hope;" and that, if the Beltended act of generosity, which must never-gian people could be polled, it would protheless affect all serious English politicians nounce, by a great majority, for annexation with grave uneasiness. As the French pol- to France. Now these assertions are anicy develops itself, the pretence of sentiment will be gradually laid aside, and it will become evident that the question turns on the expediency of creating a French province on the eastern coast of the Mediterranean. The expedition which has been prepared so quickly was either organized beforehand, or has been rendered feasible by the chronic: readiness of the French army and navy for war. On either supposition, the suddenness with which an unexpected military enterprise can be commenced ought to shame even the obstinate relics of the peace party into salutary and necessary vigilance.

From The Saturday Review, 28 July. THE BELGIAN DEMONSTRATION. THE best feature in the demonstration with which the Belgian people have met the appeals and rebuked the intrigues of French annexationists is the enthusiasm displayed by the working men. The excitement of discontent among the working classes in the adjoining states is the great instrument by which Louis Napoleon and his confederates hope to pave the way for their aggressions. That the Frankenstein they are thus raising would in the end destroy their own government too, and make Europe, not one vast French Empire, but one vast Jacquerie, is a matter of little consequence to them. They live for the day. The morrow may take care of itself. To their neighbors, Imperial Socialism is a weapon almost as formidable as it is diabolical. There is too much in the lot of the working man in every country to make him an apt listener to any devil of revolution that whispers into his ear. Everywhere those who exhort him to order and

swered. It is only a pity that the Belgian operatives cannot send a deputation, first to Compiègne, to see the socialist emperor in his blouse amidst his simple household of prolétaires, and then to Cayenne, to see the leaders of the French operatives in the enjoyment of their socialist elysium.

"Belgium cannot have to fear an odious attack on the independence of a free people. It must regard as impossible the very thought of an attempt the iniquity of which would be denounced by indignant Europe." These words of the Belgian Chamber are not merely a convenient mode of deprecating an apprehended crime-they are an appeal to the morality of Europe, which Europe must answer if it would not have all morality trodden under foot by violence. And Europe will not have all morality trodden under foot. The force of opinion in international affairs is not so great as it ought to be; nor, thanks to technical diplomacy, are international ethics so sound as those of common life. But even among diplomatists there is now a feeling that it is better, in the long run, to have the heart of the world upon your side. France herself would have to think twice before she murdered a nation. Perhaps even among Frenchmen there are not a few who, when the dagger was uplifted, would remember, in a manner inconvenient to their government, that France in her happier hour had contributed, and been proud of contributing, to give Belgium life. The fear was that Belgium, prepared for self-betrayal by the arts of French agents, and Gallicizing priests, might protest so faintly and succumb so easily as to give the murder the appearance of a suicide. That fear is now past, and with it the real danger.

Exposed as Belgium lies to the overpower-out its use.

66

But rare indeed are the in

ing military force of France, it is impossible stances of a European population in the to say that, if the struggle should begin, the present day to whom French conquest or octide of conquest might not for a moment cupation would be any thing but a manifest sweep over her, as it often swept over her curse. in those centuries during which she was the Nor must it be supposed that Belgian battle-field of Europe. King Leopold's ex- nationality is merely the artificial creation pressions show that the possible recurrence of diplomatic convenience, and that Belgium of such disasters is painfully present to his is a portion of France partitioned off by the mind. But a people resolutely bent on be- paper wall of a treaty. If this were so, we ing a nation may be conquered, not once, might doubt whether, in struggling to mainbut many times, without being destroyed. tain Belgian independence, we were not strugPerhaps, indeed, the fear that Belgium gling against natural tendencies as strong as would commit suicide was always chimeri- fate. Such, of course, is the aspect which cal. The Belgians have certain reminiscen- French propagandists would fain give the ces pretty fresh in their minds. The sweets question. According to their effusions, the of French domination are not to them un- separate existence of Belgium is a mere bubtasted. They know the bliss of which peo- ble inflated by diplomátic breath, which, ple become partakers when embraced by the having floated for its appointed time, is now "ardent fraternity" of the great "Chris- about to burst, and be lost in the great sea tian" nation. Among them, as in other of French unity and fraternity. Nothing countries over which it spread, French an- can be more erroneous. It is true that Belnexation, in return for what it took away gium is not separated from France by any in cash and blood, has left one invaluable clear geographical frontier; but neither is it lesson. "Belgium," says a Belgian journal, separated by any clear geographical frontier was confiscated in its own despite by the from Holland. If Europe is to be rectified French Republic, which had promised it a on these principles, geography will indeed fraternal alliance, absorbed in a great em- become an important science; but to prevent pire, and condemned by the right of the misadventures, France must have the superstrongest to sacrifice its interests and treas- vision of the atlas. It is true, also, that the ures to interests not its own." Force may Flemish language having, unfortunately, no of course be used twice to do the same literature, French is the language of the wrong; but treachery leaves its life in the Belgian cities, and will probably become, in first sting. Besides, when the "fraternal a short time, the language of the whole counalliance" of the French republic was offered try. But if identity of language is necessaand accepted, Belgium was, and had been rily to involve identity of government, the for three hundred years, under alien domin- pretensions of England, as time goes on, will ation. She has now known thirty years of become absolutely terrific. The philological freedom. The game of Danton and "mon test, like the geographical will require to be oncle," is being played over again at a double regulated in the interest of the "sun of nadisadvantage-first, because it has been tions." It is true, again, that there is a sufound out; and secondly, because the cir-perficial community of religion between Belcumstances are altered. Some military ob- gium and France; but the Belgian Catholics servers have pronounced that the defences are sincerely religious, while the powers that of Cherbourg are calculated for the art of rule France are atheist, using religion merewar as it was in the time of the first Napo- ly as the degraded instrument of conquest. leon, and not for the art of war as it is now. The Belgians have a separate government In the same way, the propagandist machin- and institutions of their own to which they ery of the second empire is calculated for wish to adhere this is the cardinal point of Europe as it was in the time of the first em- nationality and the root of the whole matter. pire rather than for Europe in its present They are, in the main, of a different race state. An army of seven hundred thousand from the French, and in their short period men is never obsolete; but the political of freedom have shown superior self-comcauses which carried the flood of revolution-mand, vigor, and perseverance. Indeed, one ary conquest over the surrounding countries of the reasons alleged for incorporating them as the tide runs in over a flat, are past and by the imperial pamphleteer is, that their gone. There is much that is unsound, and peculiar qualities are required to temper the much that ought to be altered, in the relations between continental rulers and their subjects; and even the threat of French aggression, appealing to hearts hardened against justice, may be an agency not with

national character of France. They have also a history of their own, though it has been much overlaid by Burgundian, Spanish, Austrian, French, and Dutch domination. The core of their state consists of those great

cities of Flanders and Brabant-the rivals | contributing to the store of human enlightenof the Italian cities as early abodes of liberty, ment, to be merged and lost in a mass of commercial wealth, and the attendant arts population already too large for the interests -which stand in the annals of human prog- of humanity? Why are those who have not ress above any thing that the French Celt shared the crimes and errors of French polhas had energy to produce. Why is all this iticians to share the present political punishto be tied up in a bundle and put under the ishment of France, and be committed with feet of French vanity? Why is Brussels, her to the dark chances of her uncertain and now a distinct centre of political life, to be louring future? No answer can be given thrust into the long schedule of medieval to these questions but that the annexation capitals which Parisian "unity" exults in would please the Parisians, and, by turning having extinguished? Why are all the their minds from their political degradation, public men to whom independence has given help to secure the emperor and his associates birth in Belgium to be superseded by a in the enjoyments of Compiègne. This is French prefect? Why is the independent an answer which the Belgians do not deem experience, political, economical, and educa- sufficient, as they have given France and tional, which Belgium as a separate state is the world clearly to understand.

BAPTISMAL NAMES.-There is a family ex-| any question of the word, either in any numbers isting in this neighborhood, two sons of whom yet issued or in the indices. Under the circumwere called Thankful and Tranquil (Joy),—the stances I have, at the risk of troubling you with former still living, I believe; and in the adjoin- a matter which has very possibly already come ing county (Dorset) the triad, Faith, Hope, and under your notice, to ask of your correspondCharity are not uncommon. Much of the pecu-ents the origin of the expression, or how it first liarity of choice in selecting such names is due, came in use. I conceive, to the veneration observable in coun- Arbroath. try districts for Scriptural names, and not to the lingering remains of Puritanical customs, as is sometimes supposed. Two at least of the names of Job's three daughters may be occasionally seen. I have a faint recollection of once meeting with the third. (Job xlii. 14.)

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K.

[It may be said of the term "henpecked" (as it may of many other vernacular expressions), that though it be deemed trivial it is grounded on actual observation, and is true to nature and to fact. The ordinary cock of the farm-yard, however bold and fightful in his bearing towards other barn-door cocks, will sometimes submit to be peeked by his hens without resistance. Reaumur relates how two hens being shut up with a cock, they both together attacked him, and finally succeeded in killing him. Several cocks were afterwards shut up successively with the same two hens, and would have experienced the fate of the first, if not withdrawn in time. "The extraordinary part of this case was, that the cocks were strong and bold, and would easily have governed thirty rebel hens at large, yet, cooped up, did not attempt either to defend themselves, or even to avoid the attack of the furies, their wives." (Mowbray's Practical Treatise, 1830, p. 93. See also D'Orbigny's Dictionnaire, 1844, iv. 208.) Hence the peculiar import and Swift's " Cudgell'd husband: " significance of the term "henpecked."

Cf.

"Tom fought with three men, thrice ventured his life,

Then went home, and was cudgelled again by his wife."]

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