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Scaliger a pension of 2,000 francs: he might States of the Netherlands an offer of a perpetas easily have given 20,000; for in the then ual immunity from taxation. The influence state of the French finances, such a compli- of John van der Does, Lord of Noortwyk, a ment was worth the value of the paper on distinguished statesman, better known as a which it was written, and no more. When universal scholar by his Latinized name of Henri of Navarre came to the crown, De Janus Douza, prevailed upon the city to preThou and Jeannin made efforts to get it fer the boon of the foundation of the Unipaid; but nothing was to be obtained for a versity. Douza, as one of its first curators, Calvinist. Millions were being paid away to continued throughout his life to foster the the grand seigneurs in gratifications before school he had thus called into being. Under they would lay down their arms. And then his enlightened patronage the University of Henri's mistresses were so exorbitant. Les- Leyden grew in a single generation into the toile indeed ("Registre-Journal de Henri first Protestant school in Europe. Unable IV.," p. 525) asserts that Jeanvins, then am- to vie with elder foundations in the splendor bassador at the Hague, made, by order of of its endowments, Douza had recourse, of Henri, "munificent presents to the learn- necessity, to the more economical, but, at ed men in Leyden, Scaliger, Baudins, and the same time, more efficacious system of others." It doubtless flattered the vanity of honor. "He knew," says Sir W. Hamilton, the Parisian badauds to think so; and as "that at the rate learning was seen prized by Lestoile reports it, no doubt he heard it the State in the academy it would be valued said; but Scaliger never had a farthing. As by the nation at large. In his eyes a univerlate as 1608 Jeannin succeeded in getting sity was not merely a mouth-piece of necesScaliger's name on the list of pensions which sary instruction, but a pattern of lofty erudiwere to be actually paid some time or other. tion, and a stimulus to its attainment. He January, 1609, Scaliger did. As for the knew that professors wrought more by exonly professional resource by which he could ample and influence than by teaching; that have maintained himself-a university-chair it was theirs to pitch high or low the stand-we have already seen his aversion to teach-ard of learning in a country; and that as it ing; but had he been ever so inclined, that proved arduous or easy to come up to them, resource was not open to him in France. they awoke either a restless endeavor after As long as Paris was in the hands of the an ever-loftier attainment, or lulled into a Leaguers, they had closed the colleges, and self-satisfied conceit." massacred or driven out the regius professors. After Henri became master of the capital, he affected to patronize education, and set about the restoration of the university. But this was in 1597, and by that time Scaliger had found another asylum.

With such maxims of academical management nothing was more natural than that Douza's eyes should be turned towards Scaliger, when the question arose who should fill the gap occasioned by the secession of Lipsius. The precautions taken in approaching In 1590 Justus Lipsius, who had been Scaliger, the homage to his haughty claims, twelve years Professor of Roman History the express recognition of his princely deand Antiquities at the University of Leyden, scent, and his literary pre-eminence, testify applied to the curators for leave of absence at once the earnestness of the desire felt to of some duration. He wished, he said, to get him, and the notoriety which even these try the Spa waters for a disordered liver personal traits of character had already atfrom which he suffered. Though this was tained. They may have been made known all he said, his intentions seem to have been to Douza by Lipsius, who, however, knew guessed. No one expected that he would Scaliger only by correspondence. They may ever return. Nor was any one surprised have been ascertained on the spot by Domwhen the news came that Lipsius had fol- inic le Bauldier. This amusing personage, lowed the fashion, and conformed. He had sharp-sighted enough in reading the weakwithdrawn to Mainz, and, in the Jesuit Col- nesses of others, though so laughably ignolege there, had been received into the bosom rant of his own, had left Leyden for France of the Catholic Church. Lipsius, though of in 1588, and had resided there ever since. another order of mind to Scaliger, yet ranked With his usual alacrity for doing every one's deservedly as the first of living Latin critics. business, he wished to negotiate the settleHis loss was, therefore, felt as a severe blow ment of Scaliger in Lipsius' place at Leyden to the rising reputation of the young univer-having on hand, at the same time, a little sity. The question arose how he was to be replaced?

The origin of the University of Leyden is well known. In reward of the heroic defence made by its citizens, in the memorable siege by the Spaniards, they received from the

scheme for bringing Lipsius to Paris. Douza, however, understood that Scaliger was not to be angled for with such slight tackle as Le Bauldier. A regular deputation in form was sent to wait upon him. Gerard *Discussions on Philosophy," &c., p. 362.

Tuning, a young law-professor of Leyden, was the envoy. He carried, not a nomination, but a petition addressed to Scaliger by the curators of the University, and a letter from the Government-the, States-General of the Netherlands-praying his Lordship "S'il plaise à votre Seigneurie servir de flambeau et esperon aux études languissans de la jeunesse par deça." To reinforce these prayers the ambassador was further provided with a dispatch to Henri from the StatesGeneral; also a private letter from Prince Maurice to the same. The States-General implore Henri to further their views upon "the Phoenix of letters," "for the honor of God and the promotion of the common cause;" -Henri, who hated Scaliger, because he saw through him, and would not flatter him, and who had already made up his mind to betray "the common cause," in order to secure the Crown of France! Prince Maurice, better informed, avoids these blunders, and writes a mere formal request.

With these credentials Tuning arrived at Dieppe, and found the King engaged in the blockade of Rouen. Henri was quite agreeable; had no objection to part with the "Phoenix of letters;" had indeed particular reasons why he should go to Holland; and wrote Scaliger a missive, intimating in pretty plain terms that the sooner he took himself off the better. Tuning started for Touraine, with this letter under passport. But in spite of Ivry the League was still in force to the north of the Loire, and Tuning was stopped and plundered. So he reached Preuilly with nothing to produce of all these magnificent appeals, or even a scrap of writing to authenticate him. With what honeyed words the diplomatist supplied the loss of his instructions we do not know. Whatever they were they were not successful. Scaliger sent back the negotiator with letters to the Curators and the Prince, which, at least, left room for further application. The Curators he addresses in a modest and grateful epistle :

"There is every reason why I should accede to the honorable proposals you have been pleased to make to me. Civil rage has banished letters from France. This country is no longer a home for men of virtue. In Holland, it seems, I could be useful; here I am scarcely held to possess common sense. More than all, from you I should receive that consideration of which my country has never thought me worthy. All these are strong motives; yet somehow there is wanting a favorable wind to swell the sails of my desires. I cannot be more explicit in writing; but Tuning will possess you by word of mouth more fully of my meaning."

We can have no hesitation as to the feeling which dictated this reply. Scaliger al

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ready foresaw the position in which public affairs would finally adjust themselves; a position in which the tried and the true, the loyal adherents of the "common cause would be sacrificed to gain the disaffected. He knew that the king and the "politiques' would be equally glad to be rid of the obligation of doing any thing for him. All these were inducements for him to go. But friends, less clear-sighted and more sanguine, urged his stay. Things were not so hopeless as he thought. The king meant well by his old friends; if he were obliged to sacrifice himself to gain new ones, he would never leave the old in the lurch; the time would come when he might venture to avow them again. And, even if things should go worse for the Huguenots than it was likely they would do, did not that make it more the duty of every good citizen to stand by his cause to the last, and perish with the rest, rather than run away, save himself, and leave the rest to their fate? This was an argument which could not but weigh with Scaliger. To which must be added, that it is hard for a man at fifty-two to expatriate himself; to leave old friends and go amongst strangers; to exchange the smiling and vine-covered slopes of Touraine for the fogs and swamps of Leyden; hardest of all, to tear one's self from the haunts and the home of thirty years, however ungracious and inhospitable it may have shown itself.

Some of the more staunch of the old Huguenot leaders would not have Scaliger leave France without an effort to retain him. Du Plessis-Mornay, as the head of this section of Royalists, and the only one who still retained some influence in the camp of Henri, was engaged to second their scheme, which was to get Scaliger appointed preceptor to the young Prince of Condé. As the king was still without issue by his first marriage, the Prince of Condé was heir presumptive to the crown. Such an appointment was at once honorable and influential. Henri consented, and at Du Plessis-Mornay's suggesHer letter is so characteristic of the person tion, the Princess wrote herself to Scaliger. to whom it is addressed that we shall give it in the original.

"Monsieur de l'Escale,-Encore que de longtemps vos vertus ayent illustré non seulement ceste France, mais toute l'Europe, si est ce qu'il semble que Dieu vous offre une occasion pour leur donner d'avantage de jour. Car bien q'elles soyent espandues sur divers peuples, je tiens la plus part indigne de recevoir ceste lumière; mais si vos labeurs s'employent à former un prince tel q'est celuy que je desire q'il preigne instruction de vous, ce sera faissant bien à un aporter de l'utilité à tout cest éstat. La peine en sera moindre et la gloire plus grande. Ces consider

Pozay, would not part with him on any other terms. He was certain that, "when peace was once restored, some opening would be found for establishing Scaliger in France; then he would come back to stay, and they would yet spend their old age in each other's society." Florens Christian, however, who had been Henri IVth's tutor, and who knew his royal pupil well, did not conceal that he thought differently. He wrote to Scaliger—

ations si importantes me font esperer qu'aurez très agreable le desir que j'ay que vouliez accepter la charge d'instituer mon fils, lequel commence d'estre en aage pour recevoir vos belles impressions; son esprit est plus avancé que ses années. C'est pourquoy je croy, qu'ayant les premiers fondemens de vous, l'oeuvre en sera plus parfaicte. L'esperance que l'on prent de luy merite d'estre augmenté par les enseignements d'un si digne personnage. Ne refusez donc, je vous prie, de servir au Roy mon Seigneur en ceste occasion, lequel je sçay avoir ceste volonté, et d'obliger toute ceste France à vous. "Not to stand too stifly upon the provisional Pour mon particulier, j'estimeray atteindre au character of the Leyden appointment. Holland comble de ma plus grande felicité si je puisse had the good fortune to be presided over by a acquerir ce thrésor à mon fils; faisant peu d'es- valiant and religious prince, and a lover of tat de toutes les grandeurs du monde si elles ne learning, Monsieur the Count of Nassau. Besont accompagnées de la vertu. Le Gentil-fore you make up your mind for leaving such a homme vous dira plus particulièremont mon in-home, bethink yourself, if you please.”

tention sur ce subject. Auquel me remettant, (here, for greater security, the honest Calje vous prieray le croire, et que je seray à per-vinist drops his French for Latin :-)

petuité.
"Vostre très affectionnée et obligée amye,
"KAT. DE LA TREMOILLE."

"Bethink yourself that the princes of France excel truly all other princes in blood and deeds of arms, but that learning must look elsewhere for patronage and encouragement."

This request, urged almost in a tone of supplication, Scaliger respectfully declined. He was not insensible to the honor, but he Henri IV. hated Christian for his honesty, could not turn courtier at his age. "Je ne for his keen sense of humor, and lastly for veux point être courtisan," he said to his having been his tutor. Scaliger felt that friends. The princess had recourse to his Christian was right. About the king's senfriends, at the urgency, doubtless, of Du timents he was left in no doubt. Henri was Plessis-Mornay, and got the elder La Roche-at the trouble of writing him a second misPozay, to try his influence. But Scaliger knew far better than his friends to what he could and could not adapt himself, and he was firm in his refusal. As the offer made to him had had Henri's special approbation, the king's aversion to Scaliger was not likely to be lessened by his rejection of it. This Scaliger, too, must have felt. After an interval of twelve months came a second application from Holland. Douza had now discovered that Scaliger's disinclination to lecture was the insuperable obstacle to his accepting Lipsius' chair. This only needed to be understood to be set right. They did not want him to lecture: nothing more was asked than his presence in Leyden, where he might dispose of his time as he pleased, and continue the series of his great works free from the interruptions to which he was exposed in France. At least, if he could not resolve upon making a permanent settlement among them, let him come provisionally, for a long visit, and see for himself how he liked Leyden.

Scaliger now no longer resisted. But he would only accept provisionally. He would come and see. He took with him the young de La Roche-Pozay, under the express stipulation that he would bring him back himself within the twelvemonth. His books and papers, too, he left behind in Touraine. His true-hearted patron, the père La Roche

sive, brief enough, expressing his satisfaction that he was at last going to Holland, avoiding all allusion to the provisional character of the visit on which Scaliger laid so much emphasis, and not even paying him the compliment of regretting his loss to France. On his road to the coast Scaliger had an interview with the king for the purpose of taking his leave of his sovereign. "So, M. de L'Escale, the Dutch want to have you, and are going to allow you a good pension? I'm very glad to hear it!" Then, breaking off, Henri put to Scaliger a question which we cannot here repeat, which at another time might have been a joke, but under the circumstances of this leave-taking was a cruel insult. A stolid insensibility for the feelings of others was indeed the chief ingredient in Henri's "Bearnaise humor." Scaliger took ship for Holland at Dieppe about Midsummer, 1593.

Scaliger's reserved intention of returning to France in spite of these discouragements at least saved him the pang of feeling that he was quitting his own country forever. But he never did revisit it. No overtures were made to him till the last year of his life, while every year things got gloomier, the Reformation dying out, and France relapsing into Catholicism. In Leyden every one strove to make his sojourn agreeable, and to soften the pains of exile. Here he

tasted for the first time his own fame, and, what is better than fame, the silent recognition of superior knowledge. He soon came to be upon a confidential footing with the first men of the republic, Oldenbarnevelt and Van der Mylen. In Douza's house he was as one of the family. The widowed Princess of Orange, a worthy daughter of Coligni, treasured him. Prince Maurice of Nassau distinguished him by the most flattering attention, placing him at table above his princely cousins, and not requiring in return to be waited on at his levées, a considerable indulgence for which Scaliger is particularly thankful. His intimacy at the French embassy, at least after the arrival (in 1597) of a superior man, Choart de Buzanvalle, in that service, gave him the best possible point d'appui outside of Dutch circles. This intimacy was not merely pleasant as being with a well-educated countryman, but gave him the best insight into the interior of European politics in that critical period when the Jesuits were preparing their great conspiracy against the liberties of Europe, which afterwards took the shape of the Thirty Years' War.

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passion than judgment in his opinions. "His ability would be truly wonderful," writes, in 1594, one who was ill-disposed to him, "s'il avoit l'esprit autant posé comme il l'a bizarre.” generally hits its mark. But this fearlessIll-nature is keen-sighted and ness of expression was the frankness of a noble nature, not the médisance of a petty spite; and what justly offended the caution of the aged and the prudent was the very ingredient of conversation likely to attract the young. The circle of young Dutch students who were drawn to Leyden by Scaliger's presence there formed not merely a future school of philology, but embraces almost all the eminent names by which Holland was distinguished in the next generation. For the younger Janus Douza, Scaliger had conceived a tender affection. For his premature death he wept for days, "comme une vieille." He recognized the early promise of Hugo Grotius, and predicted his future celebrity. It would be tedious to the reader to enumerate names famous in the history or the schools of Holland, but little known beyond its precincts. One must not be omitted, that Nothing could exceed the pious solicitude Daniel Heinsius. Scaliger interested himof his favorite and most attached disciple, of the Curators to make their illustrious self particularly in this youth, in forming guest feel that he honored them in settling him and in promoting his temporal interests. among them, not they him in inviting him. He used his influence to obtain for him the They created for him a quite exceptional po- post of librarian, and till the last never sition, which joined to the complete com- ceased befriending him. Heinsius repaid mand of his own leisure all the dignity and these benefits by a devotion little short of influence of high academic office. As he idolatrous. Heinsius never left his side, continued to protest his unfitness for public waited upon every thing that fell from his lecturing, they ceased to press it upon him, lips, watched by his death-bed, received his and contented themselves with his silent in- last words, and edited his Remains. He was fluence upon the place. He instantly at- never with Scaliger, he said-and he was tracted round him with the magnetic force with him daily-without feeling the inspirof genius all the rising talent of the univer-ing influence of his mental energy. Heinsity. For intercourse with young men Scal-sius had made notes of his "Table-Talk ; iger's temper was well adapted. He appeared but they are unfortunately lost. From so to them with all the prestige of his illustrious fame, and the overwhelming weight of acquirements without a parallel. Yet this hero of science, who seemed to realize the most romantic ideal an ardent student could form of universal knowledge, was ever ready to discuss with them on familiar terms all in which they were interested-to talk over men and books-to enter upon the merits of Livy or Statius, of Hesiod or Procopius, as freshly as if he had been reading them for the first time. Age had not subdued the vivacity of his temperament or the vigor of his language. His pithy and direct judgments upon men and things made their way straight to the understandings of the youth, who waited on his words, because they interested their feelings. The timid and the ill-natured complained that he was rash in assertion and reckless in his censures-that there was more

accomplished a note-taker they would have been, doubtless, of superior value to the collection of the two Vassans which we have. Dr. Bernays thinks that the inflated language which Heinsius and others of the Leyden circle used in speaking of their patron saint, provoked, in the way of reaction, the abuse which was lavished upon Scaliger. It may have helped to give it currency; as, no doubt, the circulation of the pungent sarcasms which Scaliger threw about him upon pretentious ignorance aroused a vast amount of personal animosity against him. Never, perhaps, has any one in the history of letters wielded such a power over reputations as Joseph Scaliger, from his throne at Leyden. It cannot be said that he is unwilling to praise, where there is room for it. But his standard of attainment is a lofty one. Himself at the top of knowledge, he surveyed

from that eminence the attempts of others, Oriental Philology. Elegant Latin writing and measured exactly the degree in which was no longer enough. New lines of inquiry they approximated to success. He never and research were being opened up, and men tramples upon modest and unassuming merit, had no longer the same ear for polished verhowever imperfect its attempts. What he sification and sounding oratorical periods. cannot stomach is presumptuous dogmatism, The philologers must be converted, and their ignorant what it is to know. This class of dangerous researches stopped or diverted. writers, always a large one, hopeless of cor- The society itself, too, must breed its own rupting or softening their inexorable critic, philologians, and get up criticism in order had no resource but to combine against him. to defend the ecclesiastical traditions. In But it was not from them that the envenomed one part of this tactic they had tolerable suchostility proceeded which broke in a storm cess. Muretus and Lipsius were carried over upon the last ten years of Scaliger's life. in triumph. Of Casaubon they had strong The provocative lay much deeper: it lay in hopes. But Scaliger? He was known to the attitude which, as a critic, Scaliger had be as immovable in his Protestant faith, as taken up towards the documentary evidence he was invincible in the field of criticism and on which the Catholic controversialists rested knowledge of antiquity. As long as this their case, and in the irretrivable overthrow Achilles remained in the Protestant camp, by him of the credit of the Jesuits as ex- his single arm secured the victory to his pounders of antiquity, classical or ecclesias- party. There was but one resource-tyrantical. They were sunk past recovery by the fair weapons of learning and argument. It only remained for them, by a combined and systematic assault upon the individual, to attempt to counterbalance that supremacy which his powers and knowledge had, by this time, secured to the Protestant cause. The danger to the Church, which could not be parried upon the open field of erudition and critical debate, might be averted by the moral assassination of the Protestant champion.

In the history of the "Society of Jesus," its second period is marked by a desperate effort to obtain possession of the region of letters and learning, in the same way as it had, in its first period, conquered that of religious sentiment. In the first half century of its existence-1540-1590-it had almost monopolized the reputation of sanctity, of the skill to handle the tender conscience, to sound the depths of casuistry. It had gained for the Church a complete triumph upon the purely religious and devotional ground. In the Middle Ages a triumph here would have been enough. There was then no other public opinion or common feeling. But in the sixteenth century this was no longer the case. The mind of Europe was awakened. He who would rule opinion now must show not merely credentials of his piety, but proof of his knowledge. The women and the ignorant-both very important conquests-had been recovered through the confessional and the pulpit. But there remained to be subdued this new, hitherto unknown, element of public opinion. The Jesuits were not daunted by the formidable nature of their novel enemy, though Church-history supplied them with no precedent to guide their tactics. They saw the strength which the Reformation derived from possessing all the leaders of the new school of Classical and

nicide. The knife of the bravo might take off the captain who could not be worsted in the field. The pen of the slanderer might write down the archcritic, whom it was impossible to foil at his own weapons. The whole learning of the Jesuit schools could not vindicate the integrity of the false Decretals, or prove the works of Dionysius to be the production of the convert of St. Paul, but persevering calumny might silence those who dared to intimate the imposture which had been so long palmed off upon the world.

In this spirit the Jesuits entered the territory of letters. Their efforts were but too successful. They clouded the serenity of Scaliger's declining years, and have hung an air of doubt round his character with posterity. Where opinion has to be acted upon, truth, it is often taken for granted, will in the end prevail. Not always, nor without drawback. No individual, however superior, can fight a party, even in the cause of truth. Even Achil les must have his Myrmidons. Nor did the Jesuits merely succeed in damaging the individual. They struck a heavy blow at ancient learning, by introducing into it that spirit of personal polemic of which it never rid itself during the whole of the seventeenth century. They not merely effectually disguised the defeat of the Roman controversialists in a cloud of scurrilous personalities, but they created an aversion to philological studies, lowered their credit, and broke up the alliance which had in the outset been so happily formed between honest research and the Reformed doctrines.

The signal of battle seems to have been given somewhere about the first year of the seventeenth century. Scaliger's withdrawal from France had relieved him from the local entanglements and hatreds of his own country, only to expose him to a wider sphere of religious animosity. It is remarkable that

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