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sented to him. He had no taste—perhaps j he was too young—for the subtle and sophisticating Aristotelic speculations in which the father revelled. Joseph afterwards read up Greek philosophy as a matter of duty, but never dwells upon it with pleasure. In his rare allusions to such topics we may even think we trace a tone of positive distaste. Dr. Bernays says there are only twenty quotations from Plato to be found in all his books. These quotations, too, are chiefly from the lesser dialogues, occasionally only from the Timams and the Laws. In quoting the latter on one occasion he adds, " that it is a long time since he read that dialogue." It may excite our surprise that Julius should not have attempted more instruction •with a youth of the promising capacity he must have discerned in his son Joseph. We must call to mind the distractions caused by the pestilence, which in 1533 reached Agen, and drove the family into the country; the father's age and infirmities, and his probable expectation that his end was imminent, •when his son would be free to return to Bordeaux. Besides this he had neither the intention nor the wish to bring up any of his children to letters as a pursuit. It does not appear that Joseph had learned the rudiments of Greek at the time of his father's death, Oct. 21, 1358. He certainly had not learned more than the rudiments. He had seen enough, however, to understand that "not to know Greek was to know nothing." The death of his father affected him so deeply as for some time to disorder his health. As soon as he had recovered from the blow, he determined to make good this deficiency.

Adrian Turnebus was at that time the most renowned Greek scholar in France and in Europe. For a youth of eighteen, who had yet to begin his grammar, less than the first Grecian of the day might have served. But this" is a truth which only experiment can teach us. Joseph made his way to Paris, and enrolled himself in Turpebus' class, that he might imbibe Greek at the fountain-head. A trial of two months opened his eyes, and he understood that to begin one must begin at the beginning; a lesson, in learning which two months were well spent. He adopted the resolution—bo it remembered he is nineteen—to shut himself up in his chamber, and become his own teacher. It is not said, but we may be cer

tain that it was instinct, riot accident, which guided him to Homer. With the aid of a Latin translation he went through it in oneand-twenty days. From Homer he passed in order down the scries of the Greek poets; and four months sufficed to devour the whole. The same instinct, and the same spirit of determination, guided him here in not interrupting his poetic reading by any deviation into prose; the difference of idiom being, be may have felt, distinct dialects, incapable of being mastered at one effort. As he«went along, he formed a grammar for himself by liis own observation of the analogies, the only grammar he ever learnt. Huet, alluding to the Scaliger feat, thinks it incredible, but on no better ground than that he himself had made an unsuccessful attempt to repeat the experiment. Gibbon, more modestly, declares that he wasiwell satisfied with tu'mself when he got through the same task in as many weeks as Scaliger took days. We might quote against these authorities Wyttenbach despatching Athenceus in fourteen days; or Milton's assertion that he had read "all the Greek and Latin classics " in five years, if it were not that parallel is misplaced in speaking of Scaliger and Greek. These are things which a man cannot teach himself. And this he had i;ow to experience, when elated by his victory over Greek, he attempted to carry Hebrew by storm in the same manner. He did ultimately acquire both Hebrew and Arabic. But Dr. Bernays, who has the best title to judge in the case of the first-named tongue, pronounces that he never reached, in Hebrew, that practical hold upon the idiom—the ttsus lingua which was the foundation of his critical skill in Latin and Greek. This is sufficient to correct the idle romance of those biographers who, in their ignorance, make Scaliger's mythical eminence to consist in his knowing many languages. He spoke thirteen languages, says one of the most recent of these open-mouthed wonderers (Poirson, Histoire du Elgne de Henri IV., vol. ii. p. 460), as if Scaliger was a Wotton or a Mezzofanti. It illustrates the way in which the French manufacture history, to say that the origin of this extravagance is a flight of Du Bartas. (Sem. seconde).

"Scnliger, mervcillo de notro age; Lo Soleil des scavants, qni./jor/e ftoijttemment L'Hcbrieu, Grocquois, Roman, llispagnol, Alemaat," etc.

Of the four yeats Scaliger spent at the university of Paris, nothing is known. In j 1563 he received an invitation from a nobleman of Poitou, Louis Chastaigner, Lord of La Roche-Pozay, to travel with him. The acquaintance, which may have been formed at the university, ripened into friendship. For thirty years Scaliger was domesticated in this family, and when he finally quitted France in 1604, one' of the sons accompanied him to Holland in the character of pupil. A which might be useful to him as a young man became necessary to him in after-life; for in the course of the Civil Wars his little patrimony perished in the wreck of the paternal property at Agen, and the house of La Roche-Pozay became his asylum. That Scaliger felt this dependence is certain: "All my life," he says, " I have eaten the bread of charity" (dccmosynis vizi). But it was made as little galling to him as such a clientship can be. As long as Louis lived, he treated Scaliger as a brother; and the sons, Jean, who succeeded his father as Lord of La Roche-Pozay in 1594, and Henri-Louis, afterwards Bishop of Poitiers, inherited their father's esteem for their illustrious guest. Of the period of thirty years, 1563-1594, not more than half was actually spent by Scaliger under his patron's roof. But it was always open to him, and his books and papers—his only property—seem to have been deposited in one of his Poitevin chateaux. Such arrangements, where the great man took into his house a man of learning nominally as his secretary or tutor to his children, but really as companion to himself, were common enough at that time and long after. So D'Ossat, afterwards Cardinal, read Plato with Paul de Foix; so Locke lived with Shaftesbury; so Bentley, though only tutor to his sons, ruled Stillingfleet's household, as the bishop almost comploiningly describes it. It does not appear that the elder La Roche-Pozay was a man of peculiarly classical tastes. Like all the seigneurs of that disturbed period, he led of necessity a semi-military life, in camps, and forays, and sieges. But even the military noblesse of that day read Greek; and Louis studied the theory of tactics in Polybius, which Scaliger expounded to him as they rode. We gather too that they had read, at least, the Latin poets systematically

through, though only Propertius and Statius are named (Comm. in Propert, ii. 2, 12).

These thirty years.during which Scaliger acquired his knowledge and his reputation, were by no means years of quiet and leisure. In revfewing the period himself, at its close, he says (1594) :—

If in oar editions of classical authors hitherto we bare not given satisfaction to men of learning, and we know too well that wo have not, my excuse is the desultory nature of my life, and the want of leisure, the indispensable condition of study. From the year 1563, when I first went to live with M. dc La Roche-Pozny, up to the present moment, 1 have had no rest for mind or body, but have been harassed bj incessant anxieties, or movement from place to place."

His biographer is inclined to think this complaint a -little overcharged. But it certainly agrees with all the notices contained in his correspondence relating to the period in question. And when we look at the disturbed state of the country—and especially of Poitou, the Marche, and the Limosin— during the greater part of the time, we shall rather wonder how study so systematic could be carried on at all, in a country where every chateau was at any moment liable to be beaten up by a raid of the foe, or to have to find quarters for a troop of its own partizans. He has repeatedly to excuse himself from answering some query, because he is separated from his books. "N'eust ete cette maudite et mcschante guerre," he could (1587) have communicated to Dak-champ an important MS. for his edition of Pliny. "All public disorders are enemies to this sort of literature," complains Markland, meaning; that the public have thus something else to think pf. But this is a light evil. The man who was not content" scribere sibi et doctis" would have little of Scaligcr's sympathy. His own complaint, "inter anna non esse Musis locum," meant much more. It was the complaint of a man who had handled a matchlock; who had had to snatch a hasty read of a pocket classic by the light of a camp-lantern.* To reading such ds Moaj taigue's, a bit here and then a bit there "a pieces descousues," such a life might be even 1 favorable. Scaliger, however, made it com'patible not only with the systematic study j of the whole of the remains cf the ancient world, but with a work of plan, compass, and concentration, such as the "De Ernendatione . Temporum."

We have said that of this period of thirty

* "Tuque mihi vigilis stndiorum ronscia cnns

lllustrnns noctea parca lucerna m««s." I —Poemaia, Ko. 44.

years during which Scaliger was the inmate tians were very jealous of their acquisition of of the de La Roche-Pozay family, only half the Veronese, and chose to give out that the or thereabouts, was actually passed under family of the Delia Scala was extinct; an their roof. The first four years, 1563-1367, | assertion they would assuredly have made were occupied in travelling with the young | good upon all claimants of the name who lord of Roche-Pozay, who was making his might venture within reach of their police, grand tour. Dr. Bernays makes him go as Of Italy, or rather of the Italians as they ambassador to the Holy See; but this must then were, we shall not wonder that Scaliger be an error. The Roman embassy of Louis j carried away an unfavorable impression. It de La Roche-Pozay was at a later period, | was the time of the Catholic and conservin 1576. In 15G4 he was not yet thirty : j ative reaction against the paganism and inscarcely a ripe ambassadorial age, but the difference of the Renaissance. Religious very best age for a tour of instruction. Italy | profession, and zeal for the Church, were •was their first destination. They made a , now in vogue. But Scaliger's eye was not prolonged stay ot Rome, went on to Naples,, imposed upon by appearances :—" The Italand returned to Rome. At Rome Scaliger j ians are a set of atheists," was the exaggerfound his countryman, Marc Antoine, com- ] ated phrase in which he utters the opinion monly known by the surname of Muretus.i he had beMi obliged to form. The phrase Muretus, when a youth, had been a great requires interpretation. It is aimed rather

favorite with Julius Scaliger; had visited at his house at Agen, and used to call him "Father." He had afterwards alienated Joseph by passing off upon him some Latin lines of his own composition as a " fragmerit of Attius;" and Joseph had retorted by an epigram which perhaps more than paid off the score. Muretus now handsomely sunk the quarrel, and remembered only the old

at the hypocrisy than at the professed scepticism of the time. Men did not disbelieve the truths of the Christian religion, but they affected a zeal for the interests of the Church beyond what they really felt. The free and ardent spiritof curiosity which had animated the Italian mind in the early part of the century was exhausted. In its place had come, not secret unbelief, but callous acquiescence.

intimacy. He undertook to show the stran- The soul, the heart, and the imagination were

gers the lions of Rome. He very soon detected that in the son of his old friend he had to do with an extraordinary man, and as long as their stay in the Eternal City lasted,

dormant or dead, and were replaced by a cold and superficial polish of the understanding. The zeal for the interests of the Church which animated the religious orders was not par

Muretus never quitted Scaliger's side. He | ticipated in_by the literati, but they submitwas able to be especially useful, besides, in making him acquainted with all the literati of the place. For Muretus, though in his

youth he had narrowly escaped being burnt at fanatical Toulouse for the laxity of his

ted to it. They were cowed, not converted. Literature had degenerated into style—a prolix and insipid efl'usion, which came not fro


the mind. They had no longer thought or knowledge to inspire their pen, yet their pen

talk and his behavior, had quite recovered \ was more prolific than ever. To all this himself, enjoyed high consideration at the j Scaliger's habit of mind was in antipathy. Court of Rome, and was in communication He could care for no knowledge but what with all the Italian brudits. Leaving Rome, was real. Truth, not amusement, was his the travellers visited the north of Italy and j aim. His verbal criticism, on his skill in

Venice. As may be supposed, Scaliger did not neglect the opportunity of seeing the home and the graves of his ancestors. His address to Verona—choliambics in imitation of Catullus's lines to Sirmio—which was then under the rule of Venice, breathes a spirit of no feigned hatred against the "City of Pirates, the city of rapine and perjury, the poison-cup and the dagger," the ruiner and oppressor of the country of the Scaligers, the proscriber of their very name. It is strange now—when general sympathy is on the side of Venice, as fallen under strange masters—to go back to a time when the republic was herself the oppressor and ravisher instead of the victim—" the arbiter of others' fate," instead of " suppliant for her own." On Venetian territory he took the precaution of concealing his name. For the Vene

which so much stress has at times been laid, was never to him more than the road to exact knowledge. The Italian scholar necessarily seemed to him a frivolous and emasculate being, who used the classics as playthings, ignorant of all that grand experience of life and the world which was wrapped up in them. The dislike was, of course, mutual. The simplicity and directness of Scaliger's character provoked the bitterest hatred on the part of these affected virtuosi; at least, the foundation was now laid of that rancorous hostility with which he was afterwards pursued by the whole clique of Catholic Latinists.

There were, however, several exceptions to a dislike which was rooted in the very •foundations of character. Where his feelings were interested, Scaliger could like and love even where he did not esteem. It is i torts respect was not yet developed. He difficult to think that he esteemed Muretus made, however, some acquaintances in Ox— as a scholar. But this stylist without con- ford and Cambridge; though his most valued victions, who could write at least as well as j English correspondents,WilliamCamden and.

h-. Richard Thomson, were later introductions.

Cicero, only that unfortunately he had. nothing to say, found his way to Scaliger's affections. Scaliger never names him but with a certain tenderness; grieves for his death (in 1586); and always holds up his style as a model of prose Latinity. He forgave him his panegyric on the massacre of St. Bar

For Rainolds, President of Corpus, the most learned theologian in the English Church of that, perhaps of any time, Scaliger conceived a profound respect, and lamented his death (1607) as a calamity to all the Protestant churches. Rainolds and Whitaker were

tholomew, evidently from the knowledge that' known to him only by their writings. Cam

Muretus did not mean any thing by it, and •would have been as ready to write on the other side had he been retained on it. "There are not many Muretuses in the •world," he said; "if he only believed in the existence of a God as well as he can talk

he i •elu-ii

about it, he would be an excellent Christian." On another occasion, in comparing Muretus with Lipsius, he is made to say, "Lipsius is nothing to him "—a judgment •which ought to have guided those compilers of literary history who have pretended to enter the narrow pedant Lipsius in a "triumvirate " with Scaliger and Casaubon. To the Italian friends of Scaliger must be added the laborious antiquary Onufrio Panvinio. As a native, and the historian, of Verona, he had a double claim to a good reception from Scaliger, who was introduced to him by Muretus. But the early death (in 1563) of this prolific compiler—at thirty-nine he had written more volumes than he was years old— interrupted an acquaintance to which Scaliger seems to look back with interest. With these exceptions, we find no traces of partiality for the Italians or their ways j for Rome and its pharisaical religion only the deepest aversion. The lines in which he bids farewell to Rome in 1565—he never returned there—are of such Archilochian bitterness that Dr. Bernays will not reprint them. They are given by Des Maizeaux in his notes on the "Scahgerana;" but the reader can dispense with them, as they only express the writer's intense feeling without either elegance or point.

From Italy the travellers passed to England. In the spring of 1566 we find Scaliger in Edinburgh, at that moment when the public speech was of "the discord between the queen and her husband." (Randolph to Cecil, 25 April, 1566). But he brought away from our island a not mote favorable impression of our countrymen than our neighbors in general were used to do at that period. The barbarism of our manners, and the want of those material accessories of civilization among the middle class which were in use on the continent, predisposed our visitors against us; while the energy and quick circulation of free life which now ex

den had never been out of England, and was not personally acquainted with Scaliger; but he introduced himself by letter at a later period, forwarding to Scaliger a copy of his "Britannia " (1594). His only regular English correspondent was Thomson, a person well known in the learned .world of his day, though now so wholly forgotten, that Dr. Bernays calls him "one Thomson." He was an M.A. of Clare Hall, and one of the translators of the Bible, being grouped with Andrewes, Overall, and Saravia, for the portion from Genesis to Kings. Having been born in Holland, though of English parents, he had been led to form foreign connections. He had travelled in France and Italy, sought out the acquaintance of scholars wherever he went, and maintained correspondence with them afterwards. He returned to England and to Cambridge in 1599, and from that time made the university his residence, becoming proctor in 1612. In his youth he had played at emending the classics. Farnaby acknowledges his assistance in his preface to his " Martial," in the dilettante Italian style apparently- But in James" reign he was drawn in, like all the rest, to the growing theological polemics, in which all learning was wrecked. He became a strenuous champion of the Arminian side, and wrote pamphlets "by order " in support of Andrewes. The style of these productions is better than their matter, and bears marks of imitation of Scaliger's peculiar Latin. He does not venture to name Scaliger, whose name was unpopular with the theological belligerents, owing to his known contempt for their ignorant squabbles, but he quotes him once as " the Muses' nightingale." The stock of knowledge he brings* to the controversy is not more than respectable, and what may be measured by the fact that he is found consulting Scaliger by letter as to whether S. Irenspus wrote in Latin or Greek. When we find Prynne Styling Thomson "a dissolute, ebrious, and luxurious English-Dutchman," we must remember that any license of abuse was considered justifiable against an "Arminian."

Next to seeing and learning to know each other, the great object of the journeys of the learned, then, was to see MSS. At the present day, when the whereabouts of all MSS. of the classics is ascertained, an editor may still have to undertake a journey to Rome or to Florence for the purpose of collation. In the sixteenth century, when a scholar had read all the Greek that was in print, it was still necessary that he should visit the great libraries, in order to complete his knowledge by reading what as yet existed only in MS. Though, by the end of the century, the hopes long entertained of recovering more of the capital productions of classical antiquity had pretty well died away, there was still much of the lower empire, of the'ecclesiastical writers, of the grammarians and lexicographers, of great value for illustration and interpretation of the nobler remains. The harvest of fragments, too, scarcely yet after the lapse of three hundred years all gleaned, had already begun. During his visit to Italy, Scahger's attention seems to have been given chiefly to inscriptions. The labor he bestowed on their transcription, a task which the frivolous Italian literati, who lived among them, were too supine to undertake, is evidenced by the great collection of Gruter. In this " Corpus Inscriptionum," published by the Commclins at Heidelberg, in 1601, a large, if not the largest, part, was supplied by Scaliger. Indeed, so great was Scaliger's share in this work, commenced at his suggestion, continued by his encouragement, and deriving its chiet value from his corrections, and the indexes, the labor of ten months of his life, that Gruter is overpowered by his ally, and driven to the unmanly device of concealing the extent of his obligations. In Italy, Scaliger may have thought his time better employed upon this most perishable class of ancient relic. In England, where inscriptions were not to be had, his attention was turned to the libraries. He seems to have been disappointed at not finding here more Codexes. From 'this it may be inferred that the fact was not yet generally known, that no English monastic house had employed itself in the transcription of Greek MSS. He soon perceived, however, that our strength lay in our national chronicles. Without any of the Renaissance pedantry which contemned every thing not written in Ciceronian Latin, Scaliger admired the variety of our monkish chroniclers, in which, for the Anglo-Norman period, we yield neither to France nor Germany. None ofahese were as yet in print— Arch'bishop Parker led the way, with Matthew of Westminster, in 1567—and Scaliger must have formed his opinion from the written copies. What Greek we had did not escape him. He notices the Cambridge MS. of " Origen against Celsus," which was not

printed till 1605, an edition for which the Cambridge copy was not employed. The "Lexicon" of Photius, which was afterwards borrowed by Scaliger from England, was not the famous "Codex Galeanus," which had not yet found its way into Trinity College Library, but a transcript made by Richard Thomson at Florence.

His first interest was for books, but by no means his only one. We have no notice of his travels, and it is only from casual hints in his later writings—a note here and there in Eusebius, or an allusion in his "TableTalk," that we see how various was his observation. The change in the patois with each day's journey in Italy; the absence in England of seignorial jurisdiction; the merit of the Border ballads; the beauty of Mary Stuart; our burning coal instead of wood in the north; the indolent lives of Fellows of Colleges; the universal prevalence among us of the sectarian point of view; these little memoranda of travel are dropped here and there quite casually, and belong to that habit of his mind already noticed, which sought to bring all the parts of common knowledge to bear upon the illustration of the ancients. If in these matters of fact he is not always accurate, the errors will be found chiefly m the "Table-Talk," and are ascribable to his reporters. But he is often right where his cntics are wrong, e.g., he speaks of the rich endowments of the Church of England, but qualifies this by saying, that the crown has invaded them, and extorted a moiety for itself. Here the editor, Le Clurc, contradicts. But Le Clerc did not know that Scaliger was speaking of those scandalous cases, notorious enough in the reigns of Elizabeth and James, where bargains were made for pensions to be paid out of the episcopal revenues to royal favorites, or sees kept vacant while a minister drew their income. So the see of Ely lay vacant for eighteen years (1581-99); and Andrewes, as is well known, was kept out of preferment, because he refused to be a party to a transaction of this nature.

The feeling with which Scaliger left Italy was one of pity or contempt for the mental and moral enervation of its educated men. That with which he regarded the English was rather aversion for our manners. It was the repugnance of his French nature; for in these things Scaliger was a genuine Frenchman. Time and experience did not qualify this sentcment. As late as 1603 he writes to Casaubon, then meditating settlement in this country, to dissuade him :—

"Yon would be going amongst n people who cherish a traditional hatred of the French, and exchanging a certainty for an uncertainty. Settlement in a foreign country is at best a haz

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