"Vous ne m'avez pas oubliée, mon cher | He, as well as the court, thought little of the baron. Je le sais par deux messages bienveil- crime committed against the people and their lants que le baron Brockhausen m'a portés de representatives; against justice, and in violation votre part. Je l'ai bien chargé de vous en témo- of a solemn oath. But that the adventurer aligner ma vive reconnaissance, mais je trouve lows universal suffrage to remain; that he leans mieux encore de vous la dire moi-même. Au- upon the people and practises socialism, and, jourd'hui je la fais servir de passeport à une above all, that he aspires to an imperial crown, question que je me permets de vous adresser." this it is which makes them hate him!"

Then comes the inquiry; Paul's proposal, It is worthy of remark, that the higher as she states it, being that the belligerent classes in England did not become alive to powers, great and small, should submit their the full extent of the outrage against law quarrel to trial by battle in the persons of justice, and morality perpetrated by the their ministers, Pitt, Thugut, etc.: whether coup d'état, until the confiscation of the Orthey were to form two parties, or fight a leans property, a foolish as well as wicked quadrilateral or quinquelateral duel, does not measure, yet certainly not equalling in atrocappear. As Francis the First challenged ity the bloodshed, the perjury, and the rest Charles the Fifth, and Frederic William of of the wholesale robbery involved in the Prussia and George the Second had ar- usurpation. On the 5th February, 1852, ranged the preliminaries of a meeting, the Humboldt writes:notion of a combat between monarchs was

leon ") says that the announcement was made to the congress by Talleyrand on the 11th of March, and that laughter was the first emotion that it excited from almost every one.

and expression; "You alone are my literary ing of the 5th of March, during the reprecounsellor, you in whom depth of feeling is sentation of some tableaux vivans at the blended with so wonderfully harmonious tal-palace. Sir Walter Scott ("Life of Napoent of expression." He transmits his proofsheets, with the request to have noted on a separate leaf what is to be altered, and particularly what is to be substituted, and on receiving them back, he exclaims, "A thousand thanks. I have adopted all-followed every hint." The title of the " Kosmos" was long and anxiously disputed, and the entire plan will be found developed and explained in the letters.

Indisputably the most interesting of the letters reprinted from the Autograph Book, are Prince Metternich's. In one of them (May 10, 1846) he makes a strange avowal:"J'ai dans l'age où la vie prend une direction, éprouvé un penchant, que je me permettrais de qualifier d'irrésistible, pour les sciences exactes et naturelles, et un dégoût que j'appellerais absolu pour la vie d'affaires proprement dites, si je n'avais vaincu mon dégoût irrésisté à mon penchant. C'est le sort qui dispose des hommes, et leurs qualités comme leurs défauts décident de leurs carrières. Le sort m'a éloigné de ce que j'aurais voulu, et il m'a engagé dans la voie que je n'ai point choisie."

If we may put faith in "Recollections by Rogers" (p. 208) the Duke of Wellington told him that he (the duke) received the first intelligence from Lord Burghersh, then minister at Florence; that the instant it came, 1 he communicated it to every member of the congress, and that "they all laughed, the emperor of Russia most of all." Now an eminent judge, who still adorns the bench, he remembered the laugh, and he has faasked the duke at Strathfieldsaye whether vored us with the following note of the reply:

'Laugh! No; we didn't laugh. We said, "Where will he go?" And Talleyrand said, "I can't say where he will go; but I'll undertake to say where he'll not go, and that is to France." Next day, when we met, the news had come that he had gone to France, and wo laughed at Talleyrand. That's the only laugh On the subject of another letter, Varn-I recollect.' Then he turned to another subhagen remarks in his diary of the 2d of ject." April, 1840:

"A long autograph letter from Prince Metternich turned up at home. He declares my picture of the Vienna Congress to be perfectly truc, with some slight exceptions that could be easily set right. He himself circumstantially confirms the relation of the arrival in Vienna of the news of Napoleon having left Elba-a letter of historical value!"

It were a waste of time to try to reconcile these statements, but an impressive warning against undue confidence, in even the most trustworthy reminiscences, may be drawn from them.

Varnhagen died in October, 1858; Humboldt not till May 6th, 1859. The last letter in the collection is one from him to Miss Assing, condoling with her on their joint beThis helps to complicate what was already reavement. He calls her his dear, beloved, an historical puzzle and a very curious case intellectual friend; and there can be no of conflicting evidence. The statement con- doubt that she enjoyed the full confidence firmed by Metternich is that the first intelli- and esteem of both the eminent men who gence of Napoleon's departure from Elba are so closely bound together in her book. was received by the prince at six in the This, in our opinion, aggravates her guilt in morning of the 7th March, in a despatch bringing them before the public in this fashfrom the Austrian consul at Genoa, which, ion; and it is to be hoped that the merited not guessing its importance, he did not open censure she has incurred by her indiscretion till near eight. Before nine he had person- will have some effect in preventing future ally communicated it to his imperial master, offences of the sort. One of the principal the emperor of Russia, and the king of Prus- sufferers from Humboldt's caustic pen and sia. He then requested the attendance of tongue, predicates that worse is yet to come; the ministers plenipotentiary, who were ig- and if no more scandal or malice should be norant of what had happened till he told produced from autograph books or diaries them. This is Varnhagen's version. M. to which he intentionally or unintentionally Villemain's ("Souvenirs Contemporains ") contributed, the failure of the supply will is, that the news arrived by a message from certainly not arise from the poverty or exSardinia to the court of Austria on the even-haustion of the mine.

From The Saturday Review, 7 July. as what they truly are- portions of the greatTHE PRINCE OF WALES VISIT TO CAN-ness of the Anglo-Saxon race, and portions of

ADA.

only of adding to her greatness by accessions of territory, to be acquired through military aggression on her neighbors. England can deliberately look forward to the day when loss of territory will add to her greatness, by raising her colonies into sister and confederate nations.

that greatness which are nobler and purer BEFORE Saturday next, the Prince of than the rest, because they are untainted by Wales will have departed on his graceful, selfish ambition, unalloyed by the memory of and by no means unimportant, mission to wrong, unstained by blood. These are the Canada. He will, no doubt, go charged to works of liberty. It is in vain that despotism express, with the warmth which the good endeavors to emulate them. It may conquer, feeling of the Canadians towards this country but it cannot colonize; it may found depenso well deserves, the affectionate regard of her dencies, and govern them through its viceroys, majesty for that noble portion of her domin- but it cannot found and train to maturity a ions; and he will find, in the most thoroughly free nation. France may point to one great English of all our colonies, a truly English colony. It is a colony which, founded by the welcome and the response of truly English most powerful and illustrious of her kings, hearts. In addition to the sentiments of the languished under his sway and that of his queen, he may safely undertake to convey to successor, and was inspired with vigor and the Canadians the sincere sympathy and warm vitality only when Pitt and Wolfe transferred interest of the English nation. Great in her- it to a foreign, but a more gen erous, rule. self, England is doubly great in the nations The Prince of Wales will see a French popuof which she has had the happiness to become lation amounting to about three-quarters of a the parent, and of which, if one has unfortu- million, living, as his mother's subjects, under nately parted from her side in anger, the rest the free institutions of England, in compar are still united to her in the bond of a free ative tranquillity and contentment, while and affectionate connection, and destined, we France herself has plunged from revolution may hope, one day to pass, by an amicable to revolution, only to end in a second military transition, into the higher and more responsi- despotism worse than the first. France dreams ble state of perfect independence. Ominous as affairs may appear in Europe, we do not believe that the star of Old England is yet near its setting. But, if disaster should come, hal England will still be placed beyond its reach. Other empires, when they arrived at the time makset ot for them by destiny, have died, and left no rlics of themselves After traversing Canada, and inaugurating behind. Ours would survive telf in its off the great monument of her rising wealth and spring, and, defying fate and mortality, he power, the prince will put off his character as still great from the rising to the setting sun. be representative of her majesty, and pay a It is in vain that our rivals and enemies mark visit the United States. May the presence our weak points, gloat over the fancied symp- of the descendant of George III., as a friend toms of decay, and predict our approaching and guest help toheal the old, but still rankfall. The fall of the parent will not suffice ling wound, which te folly of his ancestor unless the children can be slain with the same and his ancestor's minisers inflicted! The blow. Lay London in ashes, and the spirit utmost period of human life has more than of St. Stephen's and Westminster Hall will elapsed since that fatal quarrel; ad the last remain unscathed from Sydney to Toronto-man who fought in the War of Indepadence it will remain and win back the world. Quench on either side-who suffered by, or the glory of England-other Englands will sponsible for, the Stamp Act or the ag survive to witness, that if their foundress tion of the Charter of Massachusetts was neither exempt from the vices which at- long been in his grave. The evil policy hich tend imperial destinies, nor from the common then guided English councils-which aided fate which seems to await imperial greatness, the councils of all imperial nations that she was not actuated only by the vulgar lust age-has been buried with the past. Engof dominion, and that her spirit was not un- lish statesmen and English writers aave a generous nor her aims low. We have long thousand times acknowledged the wron given up not only the attempt, but the desire, was done, not by the English nation, but by to make our colonies subservient to the petty an arbitrary king, a corrupt ministry, and purposes of commercial monopoly. We can- Parliament which was not the representative not expect them to add directly to our mili- of the people. In place of the insignificant tary strength on the contrary, it may with traffic which the statesmen of the last centur reason be argued that the dispersion of our struggled, with petty covetousness, to fetter forces over the world which their defence and monopolize, there has sprung up, under requires is the main cause of our military the genial influence of unchartered freedom, weakness. We have come to regard them a mighty trade, not only linking the two na

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tions together, but making the prosperity of each absolutely essential to that of the other. We are, in blood, in language, in religion, in all the highest elements of nationality, but two portions of the same people, and the great intellects of England rule where the English crown rules no more. Yet England and America are not friends or, if they are, their friendship is hidden deep in their hearts, and masked by the outward appearance of jealousy and dislike. We care not to analyze the causes of this state of things. The unhappy bickerings which from time to time arise out of our proximity as imperial powers on the American continent have greatly contributed to keep it alive. Some of the blame must be borne by English demagogues, who, holding up American institutions for the imitation of a community to whose social condition they are wholly unsuited, provoke expressions of inconsiderate antipathy against the institutions themselves and the nation to which they belong. Satirical writers, painting American society with the unavoidable one-sidedness of caricature, and forgetting that a young commercial nation cannot at once rival the polish which the social aristocracy of old nations has attained after ages of barbarism, have left envenomed arrows in the side of American selfrespect. The surface of American politics, which is their worst part, has alone met our eyes, and habituated us to speak with somewhat shallow contempt of a system under which an empire has grown to greatness in the brief space of three generations. If the Prince of Wales can do any thing towards the production of a kinder feeling between the nations, he will have rendered thus early in life a great service to the state and to the English race. There are few Englishmen who do not most sincerely wish that such may be the result of his expedition.

real preparation for the world. Public action is probably the best antidote to those corrupting and degrading influences which beset the youth of princes. It is indolence, joined to passion and opportunity, that has too often made the history of an heir-apparent one of family misery and personal disgrace. It is hard enough for one to whom the highest honor and boundless wealth come without effort, who can never feel the bracing effects of struggling with early difficulties, or the salutary influences of equal friendship, to be on a level in all points of character with other men; but his best chance is an early familiarity with the real duties and responsibilities of his high place in life. The prince must see how it fares in the present age with royalty unsupported by personal merit. He may observe that the Candide of Voltaire's story might again sup with six throneless kings. He must perceive that of him, too, an effort will be required, if he is to transmit, as he will receive, a secure and honored throne. We augur well of his expedition. He goes under the auspices of a colonial minister deservedly popular in the colonies as the consistent friend of a liberal and generous system of administration. His own demeanor, if it is in Canada what it is in England, will certainly lose no hearts. May his voyage be prosperous, his mission successful, and his return safe and happy!

From The Spectator, 14 July. THE ROYAL VISIT TO CANADA AND WASHINGTON.

THROUGHOUT a vast extent of territory on the other side of the Atlantic, preparations are in active progress to receive one particular young gentleman now nearly nineteen years of age. Grave senators, governThe prince is beginning public life early ors, military and civil, British and foreign, in representing the queen on this occasion. houses of legislature, courts of justice, chamHe is only in his nineteenth year; and on his bers of commerce, municipalities, guilds, proreturn from America he is to resume his fessional and industrial-corps of volunteers, studies at Oxford, and afterwards at Cam- households that cannot be counted, and that bridge. Will not the coolness of his youthful august giant, the mob-all these from the head be rather severely tried by the incense Lake of the Woods, to the Bay of Fundy, of loyalty that incense whose overpower- from Maine to Florida, are watching the deing fumes give kings only too much right to parture of Albert Edward Prince of Wales be destitute of common sense? He must re- calculating the time which it will take for member that the sovereign whom he repre- him to traverse the Atlantic, reckoning the sents is the principal object of the enthusiasm stages of his circuitous route in her majesty's which will attend his progress, and that, so North American colonies, and counting the far as he is himself its object, it is the expres- day when he will appear on the ground of sion of affectionate expectations which it must the federal republic, until he shall actually be the aim of his life as a man and a sover- be a guest in the White House at Washingeign to fulfil. It is, perhaps, not a bad thing, ton. All these innumerable circles of socias far as his future academical career is con- ety are debating with themselves what they cerned, that he should at once put his education to some use, and learn that his studies are, or ought to be, not a mere boyish task, but a

shall do to signalize the arrival and travels of this youthful voyager, and are anticipating the pleasure and distinction which shall

then be exchanged. The moralist might reactionary or "Chartist visionary" to dis smile in surveying this great map of agita- turb the peculiar march of the British State. tion, at the effect which royalty can produce, As we have before had occasion to remark, not only in the off-lying possessions of the British Crown, but even in those British colonies which some time since repudiated their king, and have since claimed to be considered a nation independent and equal with ourselves. But there is indeed, a deep moral beneath the surface of this commotion, a moral luckily most easy to read and most certain to fructify under its present cultivation. In truth, we believe that no event more happy for England has ever befallen, and that the great American Republic, as well as the United Empire, will hereafter have reason to point to the day when Albert Edward left the shores of England to make new conquests in America.

not sure but what many a man who has attended conventions in America very lately must have asked himself whether even £450,000 a year would not be a cheap cost for the working of any machine which should continue the affairs of the Union in steady progress, while the freest action should remain for Parliament and ministers, for the whole federation, and for every one of the thirty-three States.

that course has been distinguished amongst nations by a striking peculiarity. Our "revolutions" have been wholly unlike most movements so called on the Continent; we are not aware of a single exception in which the people moving has not appealed_from lawless acts of those in authority to the established and acknowledged law of the land. Magna Charta was but a declaratory act, as its companion statutes were; the Petition of Rights, and Bill of Rights, belong to the same series, and, by the by, the British community resident on the other side of the Atlantic did but appeal to the law of the land in the matters of taxation against the arbitrary usurpation of George the Third and How many historical reflections flash across his ministers. It was the king and his unthe mind! How long is it since a royal foot lucky advisers who then broke the law; the trod the shores of America! How long "Revolution" was theirs; and we have alsince the presumptive wearer of a British ready had to acknowledge the strength which crown was there? The last question might we English people have derived in our ultebe answered by the single word-never. rior progress through that noble vindication The young Duke of Clarence once visited of law on the part of our American brothers. Halifax, we believe, when he was a junior By the same act, they relieved themselves officer in a British ship of war; but nobody from the " encumbrance" of royalty; we are recognized in him the William the Fourth of our Reform Bill days. And other royal princes have shown themselves; but no heir to the British throne, with all the presumption of royalty around him, has ever trodden the shores of those colonies, severed or unsevered. How many a colonist, how many a "citizen," will like a political Richard Owen with the specimen before him, speculate upon the actual nature of royalty, in the abstract and in the concrete,-upon its functions in But if questions of this kind hang, as it the world, past, present, and to come, were, around the back chambers of the mind, upon the broad distinction between coun- and occupy Psyche during the slumbering tries which possess the institution, and those periods of leisure, they will not appear with which have it not? How Englishmen will sufficient force to be seen in the broad blaze congratulate themselves that they still pos- of the festivities attending the young prince's sess the blessing; citizens that they are "free path; not a shadow of them will be traced from the encumbrance." And yet in the in the blazing sunshine of that summer visit; mind of each will unquestionably lurk a not a thought of them will be perceptible in doubt whether the advantage is so absolutely the broad grin which will overspread the on the one side. We English have an in- whole countenance of hospitable society. stitution which enables us, through every The great fact is, that all the differences change of party, through every variety of which have happened since 1783, will be the political sky, through every mutation of condoned; the meeting of Wallace and men at the head of affairs, to pursue our way Bruce was as nothing compared to that shake with an even tenor, the whole community at of the hands between Albert Edward Prince any one period making very nearly the prog- of Wales, and James Buchanan. The White ress marked out for it, whatever may be the House will be the great mansion of peace; incapacities, ineptitudes, or even reluctances, royalty and republicanism will lie down toof the men entrusted with the conduct of af-gether in that first beginning of the millenfairs. We have continued our course from Magna Charta to the Reform Bill of 1832, and shall continue it, from 1832 even unto the measure of nineteen hundred and whatever it may be, without any power on the part of Tory

nium. Hearts royal, and hearts republican, will discover that there is in truth little difference between them. Englishmen are the same all the world over, under whatever institutions they may recently have lived.