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We have passed from a phase of opinions in which the public at large had lost almost all interest in military afi'airs to one in which they are the constant if not the engrossing topic. A national association has been established for the encouragement of riflepractice, which bids fair to rival those which have long existed for similar purposes in Switzerland. Noble lords, and men of broad acres, arc found to devote their whole leisure to the success of the movement, while their efforts are warmly seconded by the co-operation of those numerous classes whose time is, in fact, their money. Men arc content to regard the maintenance of such a force in the light of an insurance fund, and to contribute a portion of their property or earnings to secure the quiet enjoyment of the remainder.

Gratifying as such facts unquestionably arc to our national pride, it would be idle to contend that they are not also painfully symptomatic of the alarm which universally prevails. We are told that there is no "party " extant of sufficient power and influence to disturb the slumbers of any who pretend to the name of statesmen. We mi{*ht point in reply to the existence of one which may be traced in almost every page of history. Dangerous as are all unnatural alliances, none are more so than that which is contracted between demagogy and despotism. Of all parties, that is to be dreaded the most which, m the words of M. Paradol, "supported the ancient tyrannies of the east, which created the petty tyrannies in Greece, which founded at llome the vast tyranny of the Ctesars to the acclamations of the mob," and which, we may add, is not without its representatives in more than one capital of modern Europe.

From Tho Examiner, 10 June.
THE NEAPOLITAN CRASH.
"Ruin seize thce, ruthless king!
Confusion on thy banners wait!"

There is an end, at all events, of the tyranny of the Two Sicilies; only one of them remains to the last and most odious of the Bourbons. They are now defeated pretenders in the island which they lately swayed, and sue for mercy to their victor as the commander of the forces of an independent state. Sicily proper is rent from them forever, and its deliverer is exhibiting to-day in civil organization the same heroic qualities of energy and prudence which he dis.played yesterday in conquest. There is nothing in modern history to compare either in rapidity or glory with the career of Garibaldi from the day he left the port of Genoa, on an adventure that seemed wild as Jason's, or that of her own Columbus, to the present moment, when, in the capital of the country he has liberated, he dictates terms of unmer

ited generosity to the vanquished. His expedition was like a thunderbolt, both in swiftness and execution, and assuredly the lightning of heaven itself never fell on a guiltier object than the Neapolitan throne. Its very defence has been a monstrous aggravation of its long list of crimes. Compare the civilized valor of the people fighting for their lives and liberties with the orutal fury they had to contend with; contrast the chivalry of Garibaldi, sparing of blood even in the raging of battle, so clement and moderate in victory, with the spirit of the men or rather fiends, who ordered the cruel bombardment and sheer vindictive butchery of Palermo. Had Sicily but this one charge against her late oppressors, she might waive * every other count in her indictment; she might waive the many broken pledges of the most faithless of courts, her down-trod constitution, her plundered citizens, her long train of persecuted patriots; she might almost forget the horrors of so many fearful prisons, even those chambers of torture lately revealed, for whose description there is no adequate language to be found in the most copious tongues of Europe. And the wretched sovereign, whose crimes against his country would be imperfectly requited were he doomed to those same dungeons for the remnant of his life, is now crawling in the person of his envoy, at the doors of the British cabinet for succor; steeped in perfidy up to the rim of his diadem he is vowing guarantees of public rights, and making piteous professions of repentance. "Never came reformation in such a flood;" never was there such a contrite king; but then upon the other hand, never was there a more hopeless suit, or idler waste of penitence. What heart will bleed for him who has shed innocent blood like water? Who will pity the sorrows of the executioner in distress, the Abhorson of his subjects P The bankrupt despot will borrow as little in England on the faith of his tears and promises as in the streets of Palermo, amongtheruinsmade by his bombardiers. Even Austria though not without her natural yearnings to a government after her own model, has wisely resolved to leave the crown of Naples to its fate. And Lord Palmerston has stated, though not in terms so positive, that the emperor of the French has also decided against interposition. As to this country, added the prime minister, " I need not say what the feeling of English government is upon such a question." It is not impossible but that these few words, reaching him at Paris, may save M. De Martino the expense of his journey to London; but we rather hope the Neapolitan solicitor will persist in his intention, certain as we are that he will hear again, and repeated with more emphasis and exposition the following frank

opinions which Lord Palmerstpn appended the other night to his brief intimation of his policy.

"It is the fault and fortune of governments liko those of Rome and Naples when, by the atrocities they have committed, their subjects have revolted and have been driven into desperation, that they have appealed to all friendly powers for assistance to remove and put an end to the authors and instigators of the revolution. Those governments forget that they themselves are really the original authors and instigators of these revolutionary elements, and that if their prayer were granted and steps taken to accomplish what they desire, unless, what is very unlikely, they should alter their own course, the first and most effectual step would bo their own removal."

Let the envoy from Naples come, therefore, by all means, on 'the mission so modest and hopeful with which he is charged. We know what he will take away with him in his ear, according to the expressive vulgar adage. Fortunately, we have a minister who knows how to dismiss the agents of tyrants with such biting souvenirs of Downing Street. Lord Palmerston has also promised to give De Martin" his mind, and the mind of the people of England along with it, on the atrocities of Palermo:—

"I trust the house will not for a moment doubt that in communications which may be made to that envoy wo shall express thoso feelings which her Majesty's government, in common with every one in this country, feel in regard to the barbarities committed at Palermo— barbarities which arc really disgraceful to the present age and civilization of Europe."

Nobody, of course, expects, any more than Lord Palmerston docs, that these or any representations will have any beneficial effect upon the Neapolitan government, were its lease of life renewed. In Naples, as in another place not so mentionable to " ears poHte," though so nearly akin in the genius of its administration,

"case would recant

Vows made in pain."

No, "the government of Naples," the premier truly said, "is far more likely to follow the course adopted by that of the pope, after the sack of Perugia and the massacre that there took place ; namely, the promotion of the officers that perpetrated those barbarities. The officers that conducted those operations received promotion fromrthe papal government, and it is far more likely that the officers employed on similar services by Naples will bo rewarded than punished for their proceedings."

The parallel is perfect of Perugia and Palermo. The king of Naples is the only lay tyrant in Europe who has had the spirit to contest his gory laurels with the pope. The

two governments stand on the same grounds, made slippery with the same outpouring of righteous blood, from which it is only for Romish priests and Neapolitan statesmen to augur stability.

To return for a moment to him who by his valor and virtues has drawn on himself the eyes of the world,—his great task is but half performed. One Sicily must follow the other. Independence will not be safe in the island until the cause of liberty has had the same success on the terra-firma. The emancipated half of the kingdom would be a source of weakness, not of strength, to Sardinia, unaccompanied by the moiety still to be set free. The annexation of the entire realm is the event to be desired, completing the union of the whole Italian name, and creating a power fairly equal to sustain itself among the leading states of Europe ; able to stand the shock of its open enemies, as well as to support its freedom and integrity against its still more formidable friends. We believe the Italian cause is thoroughly safe in Garibaldi's honest hands ; and the true policy is to protect him from all interference with the course of his sword wherever it may next be drawn. Not in Sicily only must this quarrel be brought to mortal arbitrament without foreign intervention ; and when the people have fought it out, the right to regulate their own affairs and choose their own rulers will be as sacred on one side of the Straits of Messina as upon the other. "We wish to see Naples merged in the great constitutional kingdom which, with small exceptions, covers the rest of the fair peninsula; but let the will of the people be done,—that is the great point and first consideration.

From The Spectator.
YEAST.

A Survey of the week's news presents a vast space of the world, including nearly the whole of Europe, in a state of fermentation, We seem to be on the eve of organic changes which involve the constitution of empires and the relation of states to each other. We might suppose ourselves to stand upon the bounds between one era of political ethnology and another. The fjreat empire of the Mongol race is seen braving war, at once, with England, France, and Russia,—for it is reported that the peaceful relations between Pekin and St. Petersburg have been interrupted ; Russia is called upon to explain her proceedings against Turkey on behalf of the well-known "Christian subjects ;" Turkey • itself is struggling with a reform that cannot be developed; the whole of Germany is anxiously debating issues as mysterious to the immediate agents of the commotion as they are to the public; Belgium is agitated with its future even more than with its pre*.

cntj the Iberian kingdoms present an exception to the rest* of Europe, in a state of peace,—but Bo far as Spain ia concerned it is an agitated peace; Italy exhibits civil •war, flagrant in the south, smothered in other quarters,—the minor governments dispossessed, one government loading revolt, another capitulating, the great pontifical

government protesting right and left with ttle effect j the Austrian empire is undergoing a compulsory reform, in which the imperial government seems to be playing a double game, between-newly cultivated arts of improvement and old reaction.

When we look into the details of each case, the magnitude of the movement, and the mystery of the motive, are augmented to our eyes. There is to be a meeting of German princes at Baden-Baden this week. The powers are not prepared to hold a Congress of Europe, because they cannot agree j so they are to hold a congress of that abnormal and divided region which is called "Germany j" whose sons arc vehemently harmonious in their fidelity to " Fatherland," though they seem to be utterly discordant and unintelligible in their practical action with regard to political principles, reigning princes, or foreign relations. It seems to be understood that the motive of the meeting is the want of a better understanding between the German princes. They hardly know how to act between Prussia and Austria, and no wonder. It is obvious that the views have changed in Berlin almost monthly, if not oftener. At the beginning of the year, the prince-regent was warm in the Austrian alliance, strong in the compact of 1818. The outrageous insult to Saxe-Coburg Gotha caused a revulsion, the oppression upon Hesse-Cassel made Prince William look a little deeper into the incompatibility of purely Austrian views with purely German views; and he seemed to have withdrawn from the compact of 1818 as applied to 1860. But when Vincke declared in the Federal Diet for a purely German union, Prussia again withdrew from the German party, and looked to the Austro-Prussian Alliance. Then came the mythical letter to Prince Albert, complaining, it is said, of French threatenings towards the Rhine, with the doubtfully adumbrated remonstrance of the Emperor Napoleon ; and now, again, it is said that Prussia has herself to a certain extent invited the meeting of Baden-Baden in order to arrange for a'Gcrman support of her Rhine frontier •—.if necessary. But imperial France has joined in the same invitation, in order to a better understanding between France and Germany on subjects of the Rhine, and commerce, and things in general,—including the congress? It will be observed that in this Baden-Baden meeting almost every clement

of European agitation and change is brought into active play.

It is the same if we regard the state of Europe from the centre of Brussels. By a German marriage the heir-apparent has perhaps strengthened the Ultramontane and Ultra-Legitiniist tendencies, and awakened those hopes of the Ultra-Tory Catholic party in Belgium which have occasioned the fears of the king, and have made Liberals in the Belgian Chamber hint at a union with France as the means of securing for Belgium greatness and commercial extension. Purely Belgian questions, therefore, involve the relations with Austria, the compact between the despotic princes, the relations with Germany and the Rhincfrontier, relations with France, the trade of Belgium and of Europe, together with the succession of thrones and the distribution of regal power on the Continent.

From the Vienna centre the commotion is j yet greater, the changes of view are yet 'more striking. Early in the year, and still I even late in the spring, Francis the Second saw no necessity for any genuine concessions to Hungary; and not. a fortnight since he was relying upon cannon stationed throughout the city of Venice, and was in hopes of a treaty with Russia which would have precluded all uneasiness for his eastern and south-eastern frontiers. But here again all is most completely changed. Within the last few weeks, Hubner, Benedek, and events have made even Francis Joseph learn that he must restore a constitution to the kingdom of Hungary, must give to " LombardoVenetia" something more than a consultative parliament, one with a decisive power of making laws ; have made him successively yield to the demands of the Hungarians, in the new grand council, for a thoroughly independent position, publicity of proceedings, and the power of reviewing the imperial budget. All this has been done within one brief fortnight, during which the independent politicians of the Austrian empire have gained, not only these particular concessions, but a consciousness of their power, and a confession on the side of the emperor that iliey dictate. Thus every question of internal politics, with the relation of the empire and its provinces to each other, has been thrown open to the very foundation. The ! emperor has become a coadjutor in n constituent assembly! he has been playing the part of John at Runnymcde, only with the accumulated intelligence of seven centuries. From Constantinople the survey is even more confused and bewildering. What must the sultan think when he finds Russia forc| ing him to inquire into the genuine fulfilment of his own compacts? When he is compelled to supersede inefficient ministers, and ask whether the Mussulman .servants of the caliph have honestly done their duty by the respectable Christians of Bosnia,—whose nobles must no longer oppress them; and of Herzegovina,—whose people are half independent and half Austrian; of Bulgaria, —whose race have a semi-independent organization of their own, Christian, alien to Turkey, and conscious that the Ottoman rule alone restrains them from rising suddenly to the European level of intelligence in cultivation, trade, and education, Moldo-Wallachia being already more than half independent? Imagine the sultan spurred to a practical and honest fulfilment of promised reforms; unable to put off attention to business urged upon liim by traders, by Giaours, by infidels abroad; forced to capitulate though there is not an army in sight; obliged to study the public opinion of Europe—driven, at least by proxy, to read European papers in order to learn what he mayor may not do, and not allowed to be independent, indolent, and infallible!

In Italy, every element of the European question is concentrated, but with more besides; or rather elements which are less visible in other parts of the continent come to the surface in Italy. We there see, not onlyAustria retain o lingering hold upon Venice by the force of cannon, with one of those ridiculous titular claims in abeyance marked by the ruse of designating her Italian province Lombardo-Venetia; but, at the same time, we see the great power of eastern Europe debarred from crossing her frontiers to sustain, on her favorite field of Italy, the principles which she was asserting down to last month. Or Home alone might be taken as the theatre of the greatest questions which can agitate mankind for a whole century. The pope is avowedly kept upon his throne exclusively by foreign soldiery. He has the support in England of men like Mr. Bowyer, who deny those chains of Neapolitan prisoners whicn Mr. Gladstone has seen; a French general commands where the pontiff has no generals of his own; his last recruits, the Irish soldiery,—who have been carried over, it is said, on false pretences,—are asserting pretensions quite as fabulous, and arc committing the practical bull of supporting " his holiness" by fighting among themselves; brought over at immense expense to repeat, in sight of the Vatican, the scene witnessed by Perseus when he sowed the dragon's teeth. The Vatican is fulminating protests to which nobody pays attention. France is weary of the sound; Prussia is too busy about other matters just at present to have any thoughts about archbishops of Cologne; even Austria has at last learned that she has not the power to come across the border for the support of the pope. Lamoricii-rc—the " chevalier sans

THIRD SERIES. LIVING AGE. 515

peur et sans reproche "—is said to be discontented with his position; Naples cannot help herself, much more the pope j and Victor Emmanuel alone, with his constitutional statesmen, is offering a future to the pontificate—a great, independent, spiritual episcopacy of Europe, relieved from temporal responsibility, and rendered compatible with progress.

The condition of Naples is amusing. After a series of ignorings—for great is the power of ignorance in Naples—she bases her latest hopes of rescue from her present calamities on removing the objections to French intervention, by recognizing Garibaldi as "a power." We want the ghost of poor Frank Stone to give us in Punch that Neapolitan version of " the Last Appeal."

As in politics so in trade, the world seems suddenly to have been turned that side upward which a little time past was down. Protectionist France is taking the lead in beginning a series of reciprocity treaties— the Huskisson stage preliminary to the Peel stage of free-trade statesmanship. The great government of Vienna, which has been the strongest advocate of exclusion, is yielding to the power of its own subject provinces, who are themselves the claimants and champions of freed commerce. The emperor of Russia is leading in an industrial reform. Wherever we see old-fashioned seclusion prevailing, there we see at present rather an alarming state of trade. The weather which we have been suffering from in this country has been felt on the continent—crops are failing, cattle are dying, the rjoor are looking forward to hunger, sovereigns are looking forward to tumult. But there are some parts of Europe where there is a firm reliance upon the energies and resources of commerce. In this country we may anticipate enhancements of price for the remainder of the year, but we know well that we always have the preference in the stocks of the entire world; and why? Because our ports are absolutely free. France knows when she can obtain imports of food, and every exporting country is looking to an extension of her trade with a confidence of profit calculated to inspire her with full confidence of profit on her side, and of supplies for her people. The Italians have all the hope of success. But what of those countries in eastern Europe or in the north, which have been exclusive in their commercial dealings, and have declared to other countries that they are content to rely upon their indigenous resources alone! Here the industrial element appears in full fermentation in the very midst of the political, diplomatical, and military fermentation with which the whole of the continent is agitated.

From The Athenaeum.

f diaries Lee, Major-General, .ond in Command in the American Army of the Revolution. By George H. Scribner; London,

Moore. New York,
Low & Co.

At a time when the revelations of the State Paper Office are daily making us more and more alive to the fact that our history has to be rewritten in several of its most important parts, it is with no ordinary interest that we find the people of the United States in the same difficulty with ourselves. Such is indeed the case. Our American cousins have agreed to degrade one of their national heroes, to brand traitor on his forehead, and deliver him over to the obloquy of after-ages; the culprit, against whom the verdict of guilty has been delivered, being Major-General Charles Lee—after Washington and Lafayette, the brightest ornament of the Revolutionary army. At the outbreak and throughout the principal part of tfie hostilities between the mother country and the colonies, few names were more frequently on the lips of English politicians than that of Charles Lee; but when he dropped from the eminence to which he had raised himself for a few brief years, he fell from the memory of men on this side the Atlantic. Recent discoveries, however, give a fresh interest to his character and career. Born A.D. 1731, in England, and of English parents, bis father being Col. John Lee, of Dernhall, co. Cheshire, and his mother being a daughter of Sir Henry Bunburv, a baronet of the same county, Charles Lee was still a child when he became a soldier. After acquiring the first rudiments of a classical education at the Grammar School of Bury St. Edmunds, he was gazetted to an ensign's commission in his father's regiment (the 44th), when only eleven years of age. As a lieutenant of that regiment, he went out with Braddock's disastrous expedition, and was one of the few officers who escaped from the terrible defeat it encountered, unhurt in body and untarnished in reputation. Purchasing his company for nine hundred pounds, he remained in America, accompanied his regiment with the forces led by Amherst from Lake Ontario, and returned to England after the campaign of 1760, which saw the completion of the British conquest of Canada. Impetuous, overbearing, and quick-witted, the young officer "began very early to abuse his superiors, and was not very nice in the terms he made use of." With some ability, but a much more liberal stock of vanity and ambition, he claimed, as his right, rapid promotion;

exorbitant claims, he solaced his wounded pride with showering sarcasms on those whom prudence would have had him conciliate. In 1761 he was promoted to a Majority in the 103d regiment of foot; and in 1762, when the English auxiliary force was sent to assist Portugal in repelling the Spaniards, he accompanied Brigadier-General Burgoync, with the rank of lieutenantcolonel in the service of the king of Portugal. In this service he gained high and merited praise for the brilliant manner in which he surprised the Spanish camp at Villa Velha. Lord Loudoun described this achievement to the ministry as "a very gallant action," and Count de La Lippe, the commander-in-chief, commending "me gallant Lieutenant-Colonel Lee," observed — "so brilliant a stroke speaks for itself." Elated with these eulogies, Lee returned to England, expecting immediate advancement, but the powerful enemies whom he had provoked by his unscrupulous tongue, and not less unscrupulous pen, effectually prevented the fulfilment of his hopes. Restless and disappointed, smarting under wrongs both real and imagined, and railing at the ingratitude of his country, he offered to the king of Poland the sword he had already used in the service of the king of Portugal. The offer was accepted, and in the army of Poniatowski Stanislaus Augustus be became a major-general; but the highest rank he ever attained in the British service was that of a lieutenant-colonel on half-pay, and for that position (so far beneath his own opinion of his deserts) he had to wait till the May of 1772. Restless and embittered, regarding himself as the victim of ministerial oppression, and burning with resentment, he embraced the cause of the American colonists, and, quitting England forever, sailed for New York.

As an advocate of popular opinions, he met in America with an enthusiastic reception, and in his progress through the colonies, by conversation, harangues, and pamphlets, he did his utmost to rouse the courage of the multitudes and inspire them with confidence. At this period he rendered valuable services to American independence, by stimulating the animosities of men furious with a sense of injury and insult, and by converting the vague and negative discontent of others into positive and organized opposition. The pompous servility of Dr. Myles Cooper's "Address to all Reasonable Americans" had not had time to depress and terrorize the Whigs to submission, when Lee's strictures upon its cowardly nonsense not only completely counteracted its pernicious influence, but both taught the colonists to

and, failing to obtain a recognition of his j see their strength, and fired them with

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