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is a great deal of truth in this opinion. The ticular good in this gift. Its only effect is assertion that Robespierre was essentially a that bystanders have less difficulty than they small man, and Mirabeau essentially a large would otherwise have in comprehending the one, does undoubtedly convey a strong im- extent of the folly of the person who pospression to the mind, though it is not easy sesses it. On the other hand, men may be to say in what it consists, and though its habitually inconsistent, or rather inconseculimits may be very indefinite. If any one to tive, in their thoughts, and yet have that whom such an impression had been con- about them which all the world recognizes veyed by the portraits of Mr. Carlyle, or of as great. Some men are so constituted as any similar artist, could succeed in detecting to perceive great truths at first hand withthe elements of character which are essen-out viewing them-perhaps without caring tial to its production, he would make a very to view them-under the form of premiss curious and very real addition to our knowledge. The utmost that can be attempted here is to indicate some of the branches of such a speculation.

and conclusion; and thus their assertions take a fragmentary shape, which, though at times great in the very highest degree, cannot with truth be described as logical. If any one will compare the Epistle to the Romans with any of the popular expositions of it, he will see what greatness there may be where there is but little logic, and what littleness may co-exist with perfect consistency.

Of the various classifications which have been made of human nature, one of the least inconvenient is that which views it under the heads of the reason, the imagination, the feelings, and the will. Whether it is complete or not, it is, at any rate, sufficiently wide to justify the assertion that, if great- On the other hand, intellectual qualities ness is in itself a specific quality which dis- which vary in intensity, and of which all tinguishes some men from others, it will be men possess a certain quantity, sometimes traceable in one or more of these depart- appear to produce greatness by their vigor, ments, or in the relations and proportions and sometimes not. That which is called which they bear to each other. Taking, then, by the general name of force of understandgreatness in its relation to the intellect, ing is an instance of this. As a powerful what sort of intellect is required in order man is one who can lift a great weight, so that a man may be great? That there are power of mind may be said to be that qualsome kinds of intellect which, if they do ity which enables people to do with comparnot make a man great of themselves, would ative ease what others find it impossible or do so if they were used (a distinction which difficult to do at all. Its principal elements in itself would supply matter for a volume), are the power of attention and that of appliis undeniable; but it is extremely difficult cation, which is attention in the active and to say in what their specific peculiarity con- not in the passive shape. To be able to disists. Perhaps one of the most definite, and rect the thoughts to a given subject, and, at the same time most curious, remarks that according to that most expressive of metacan be made on the subject is, that some of phors, to "turn it over" in the mind, is one the powers of the intellect are positive, and thing-to be able to submit the mind passcarcely admit of degrees, whilst others which sively to that which is presented to it is ando admit of degrees, and which are of the other. Where the two co-exist in unusual highest importance, may exist in their great- vigor, they may be said to constitute power est force in men whom all the world agrees, of mind. In many cases, the mere possesand apparently with very good reason, to sion and exertion of this power makes a man consider as any thing but great. The fac-great-in others the possession and exertion ulty of logic is an example of powers of the of an equal power has not the same effect, or first kind. A man either has it or is with- at least is not acknowledged to have it. It out it, and though it is undoubtedly a great convenience, its possession in the fullest measure is consistent with extreme littleness of character, whilst a man might be very great without possessing it. To be logical means very little more than to be consistent, to speak and to think habitually in such a manner that every specific thought can be referred to some more general conception, the truth of which the person who thinks is prepared to affirm. If, as is often the case, the specific thoughts are foolish, and the general conceptions absurd, there is no par

probably took at least as much mental labor-as much application and attention-to compose Comyn's Digest as to compose Gibbon's History. Yet, whilst every one acknowledges the greatness of the historian, few people would ascribe greatness to the judge. The most curious illustration of this, however, is to be found in the case of mathematicians, Newton is acknowledged to have been one of the greatest men that ever lived, and Mr. Adams' discovery of the new planet is universally looked upon as a splendid achievement; but the mere intellectual

duce more happiness than those which acted on Gibbon. In the case of the mathematicians, the difference lies in the imagination. The real greatness of Newton's achievement was not that he did a very hard sum and did it right, but that he had an imagination so

labor-the mental force necessary to reduce and did not care to marry. Comyn probably the discoveries from which these remarkable pursued his profession from the ordinary men derived their title to greatness from motives, which, as a general rule, would protheir original condition of conjectures to their ultimate condition of truths scientifically ascertained-probably did not exceed that which many men have put forth in the same branch of learning whose names are principally remembered by being labelled on some formula, like Fermat's or Taylor's the-powerful that he could conceive the possibilorem. The truth is that in these cases it is not the power alone, but the direction of the power also, by which the question of greatness is determined; and this direction is hardly an intellectual process. In the cases of Gibbon and Comyn, the cause which determined the one man to the path which led to permanent greatness, and the other to that which led merely to professional distinction, was partly moral, and partly external and circumstantial. Gibbon had £800 a year of his own, he liked literary quiet,

ity of devising a classification which should fit the motions of all heavy bodies whatever, from a sun to an apple.

Such is a single illustration of one very small branch of the sort of inquiries which an anatomical study of the problems presented by pictorial historians and biographers would suggest. A complete investigation of the subject would form a very curious speculation, but it would require knowledge which hardly any one possesses.

TWO ROADS TO A RED RIBAND.
BIND the star upon the coat

That enfolds the dauntless breast:
Hang the riband o'er the head

That never vailed its crest. Tell the gallant and the good,

"Thus England honors those, Who in battle spent their blood, And in leaguer braved her foes?"

Not in the toys themselves

Lies their ennobling power, But for the tale they tell

Of many a glorious hour: Of deeds in field or trench,

Of crumbling fortress held,

When the bravest heart might blench,
And the stoutest hope be quelled.

But lest our England deem
With narrow-minded view,
That but to deeds like these

Honors like these are due,
Between each war-worn soldier
Let a carpet-knight be seen-
Our prince's privy-purse,

The equerry of our queen!
True, they ne'er held a leaguer,
They never braved a foe,
But they've faced the op'ra crushes,

And the rides of Rotton Row.
They have stood for hours and hours,
Upon their wearied feet,
"Mid the ante-room's strong flowers,
And the levée's Indian heat.

Think of the weary watches

In drawing-rooms gone through:
The nights of hot waltz-practice,
Under ball and powder too!
Think of the long court-dinners,
Through which they've had to ply
A respectful knife and fork
Beneath the royal cye!

Then grudge not to these heroes
The honors they have won-

There is far other weariness

Than battle's, 'neath the sun.
By an heroic Havelock,

At an Inglis's right hand,

Let Phipps and Grey, with stars as gay,
And blushing ribands stand!

A CHEER FOR GARIBALDI.
HONOR to Garibaldi! Win or lose
A hero to all time that chief goes down,
Whatever issue his emprise ensues,
He, certain of unquenchable renown,
Fights for a victor's or a martyr's crown,
Another side than Cato's Heaven may please:
Forbid it, Heaven! but still the devotees
Of priestly tyranny shall never drown

His name in his true blood; their hireling balls
May gore his noble bosom; but he falls
The champion of united Italy

Against brute force with monkery allied.
Stanch wrestler, as a man, for liberty,
"Twill be on record how he fought and died.
-Punch on Garibaldi's Sailing for Sicily.

From The Spectator. THE HUMBOLDT CORRESPONDENCE.*

the king against him were incredible; and he would be as little tolerated in other GerAFTER a careful reading of Miss Ludmilla man states were he once deprived of the Assing's preface to the third edition of Hum- protection afforded him by the prestige of boldt's Letters, we have nothing to change his office." Of the king himself, Humboldt in the opinion we have already expressed writes in terms of sorrowing affection and with regard to her conduct as an editor. It respect. Speaking of one of Frederick may be that IIumboldt gave his friend Varn- William's harangues, he says:hagen von Ense authority for the post- "There is, after all, something noble in this humous publication of letters he wrote to constant yearning to address masses of the peohim, and of others which he placed in his ple extempore,-in this impulse to speak with hands, but it is indisputable that in every the public face to face. The magnanimity of case such a general permission carries with protecting the servants in high places,' by wrapit certain reservations, implied if not for- ping them in the royal purple, will not meet with mally declared, which must be perfectly in- tile attitude towards the small predatory birds much recognition. Can one then assume a hostelligible to persons of honor. Varnhagen's of night?' A feeling of melancholy comes over niece has been reckless of all such restric-one that such a highly gifted prince, guided as tions; she has trafficked in the abuse of he is by the most benovolent intentions, and in private confidence, and her book is a crime possession of a vigorous mind, which is ever against society. A few suppressions would urging him to action, should in spite of his exhave rendered it inoffensive, but perhaps cellent intentions, be deceived as to the direction they would have greatly diminished its sale, in which his policy is leading. When Parry, on for we cannot agree with its English pubthe ice, wanted to reach the pole with his nulishers in thinking that its great success in merous Samojede dogs, sledges and dogs apparGermany is to be attributed to its political broke through the mist, and the latitude could ently went forward. When, however, the sun importance "far more than to the delicious be ascertained, it was found that, without being bits of scandal" it contains. What is not aware of it, they had actually gone several deodious in it is at least disappointing, its grees backwards. The ground over which they principal contents being complimentary let- moved forward was a detached field of ice carters addressed to Humboldt, and hasty notes ried south by the current. Ministers are this of little intrinsic interest written by him to moving, icy ground. Is the current dogmatizVarnhagen. Mingled with these are scrapsing missionary philosophy?" from Varnhagen's diaries, some of which throw more light on the life and character of the prince of Prussia, the present regent. of Humboldt than do his own letters. For instance, one brief extract from the diaries explains what many persons have regarded as a puzzling anomaly; namely, the voluntary abasement, as it seems to them, of Humboldt's great powers to the petty observances of a courtier's life without political functions or influence. It is not by choice that he made himself the associate of men sia for nearly one hour by himself, I shall be "Having yesterday seen the prince of Pruswhom he despised, and whose bitter enmity able to report to you some not uninteresting, he rather liked to exasperate than to as- although not precisely decisive matter. suage; it was because he felt it necessary to prince, whom I take to be a lover of truth, asthe fuller exercise of his influence as a po-sured me that, faithful to his principles, he had tentate of science that he accepted a position | spoken out everywhere to the purport, that war so uncongenial to his nature. Varnhagen would probably have been avoided if Prussia records a visit from him in December, 1845, and Austria from the very beginning had earand says, "He made a remarkable commu-nestly and actively co-operated with the western nication to me. He assures me that but for his connection with the court he should not be able to live here. So much was he hated by the Ultras and the Pietists that he would be exiled. The pains they took to prejudice

*Letters of Alexander von Humboldt, written between the years 1827 and 1858 to Varnhagen von Ense. Together with Extracts from Varnhagen's Diaries, and Letters from Varnhagen and others to Humboldt. Authorized Translations from the German, with Explanatory Notes and a full Index of Names. Published by Trübner and Co.

Humboldt also makes honorable mention

The following extract from a letter of the 9th of August, 1855 has reference to the timorous policy of the court of Berlin at the moment when the war in the Crimea was imminent, and is especially interesting at this moment from the indication it affords of the prince's character as a statesman :—

The

powers against Russia. At Petersburgh they not have yielded, even in this case, which he, had objected that the Emperor Nicholas would the prinec, doubted."

makes the following entry in his diary on In reference to this topic, Varnhagen the 12th of August:

boldt said it reminded him of a pleading which "Speaking of the position of Prussia, Humhe had once heard in Paris; the counsel for the prosecution, in the matter of a box on the ear, had wound up, triumphantly exclaiming: 'Au

fond nous n'avons pas reçu le soufflet, nous n'avons eu que le geste!""

eral times, 'You are mistaken,' interrupted the king; this was not the work of the Minister of Instruction, but of the Minister of EnlightenHumboldt speaks of himself as "a wild ment. That's quite another person from the man of the woods whom they fancy they have Minister of Instruction.' IIumboldt, without tamed at court;" but the wild man still being put out, accepted the correction by hastily showed his teeth, and often made them felt adding, 'Not the Minister of Instruction, then, by the "soberly fanatical and white-blooded but of the contrary; and then continued in his Polignacs" by whom he was surrounded. usual way. The following piece is still finer:In April, 1843, he writes, "How unjust we General Leopold von Gerlach [the leader of the were once in judging the men who tried to Kreuzzeitung party] who cannot leave off teassettle Europe in the great congress. I can-boldt by saying to him, 'I suppose your exceling, lately ventured to make an attack on Humnot help saying how much higher were our lency often goes to church now; he hoped pretensions then in our unjust temper, if thereby to put him in a dilemma. But Humnow, in comparison with the wretchedness boldt answered at once, That now of yours is which surrounds us, the personages assem- very kindly put in: you mean to point out to bled in Vienna present themselves as great me how to make my way in the world.' The statesmen to our memory. Instead of them, canting jester was regularly dumbfounded!” we possess court philosophers, female missionary ministresses, court divines, and startling-effect preachers." Nor did the people who endured such a régime escape his sarcasm. He tells his correspondent that "the host of (dicunt) a very dirty hotel bearing my name," in San Francisco, sends him German Californian newspapers, and adds:

"Descanting in a late number on the moral and intellectual condition of the English, French, and Germans, the editor says: We Germans are a tribe of thinkers, deeply engaged in our innermost mind with the world of thought; we also have, over all the other nations settled here, the great advantage of troubling ourselves very little, or not at all, about municipal and political affairs.' Thus we boast on the shores of the Pacific; we buy the Signs of the Times [Bunsen's], but scarcely five in a hundred of us will go to the poll. It is too inconvenient. We are thinking.'

In November, 1856, Varnhagen visited Humboldt, and was shown by him a live chameleon, in a box. The great naturalist said "it was the only animal which could direct one of its eyes upwards while looking downwards with the other; only our parsons were as clever, directing one eye to heaven, and the other to the good things and advantages of the world.”

On science, there is scarcely a word in the volume before us, and the allusions to literature which it contains are generally of the most cursory kind. One among them-and the only one, we believe-is of permanent value, and is quoted as follows, from Varnhagen's diary :—

"Humboldt's confirms the opinion I have more than once expressed, that too much must not be inferred from the silence of authors. He adduces three important and perfectly undeniable facts, as to which one finds no evidence in places where one would naturally, abovo all

Varnhagen writes in his diary, on the others, expect to find it. In the records of 20th of June, 1844:

Barcelona, there is not a trace of the triumphal entry made by Columbus; in Marco Polo no "At the royal table in Sans Souci, Humboldt mention of the great wall of China, and in the lately let fly two good shafts from his bow. archives of Portugal nothing about the voyage The conversation turned on a Russian ordinance, of Amerigo Vespucci in the service of that and Humboldt, in speaking of it, mentioned the crown." ("History of the Geography of the name of the Minister of Public Instruction sev-New World," Part IV. p. 160, et seq).

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From The Spectator, 9 June. THE AUSTRIAN AND RUSSIAN REFORMS. IF hope were not something indestructible in human nature, we should have ceased to put the slightest faith in Austrian promises. Their normal state is to be broken. Yet, so plain is the fate of the empire, should the government persevere in the infatuated policy of the last few years, that it is difficult to resist some belief in the possibility of a repentance even at the eleventh hour. The new "Council of the Empire" is discussing reforms for all the kingdoms of which "Austria" is composed. In the emperor's own address to the members of the council he confessed the true position. He had even the courage to declare a hope" that a financial balance may be finally attained." In his recent action towards Naples he seems to have perceived that no territory is to be retained by Austria on the strength of defying the public opinion of Europe, especially since that public opinion has recently obtained such very high patronage. In his declaration to the Hungarians, and still more in his behavior to the Hungarian members of the new council, he has admitted that the claims of that nation are no longer to be slighted; and he seems at last to have perceived that unless a financial balance be at

tained by the only possible path, administrative and fiscal reforms, the empire must break down through its insolvency. The experiences of Italy, the reports of Hübner and Benedek, had opened his eyes to the state of Hungary; Rothschild and the suicide of Brück have made him understand the impossibility of going on any longer with a procrastinating finance.

Nor is this all. Count Apponyi stated, in his place in that peculiar parliament, that while accepting this curious provisional position, "he did not renounce one of his principles;" he "preserved all the historical rights of Hungary; " and "he did not resign his rights in the future Hungarian constitution." Only Hungary thinks that she may get her rights without disturbing the unity of the monarchy.

But even this is not all. The count and his brother Hungarians have absolutely refused to sanction the imperial proposition, that they should be pledged to secrecy in the council. They have, therefore, already so far forced a change upon the imperial plan, that instead of being a privy council to debate cabinet questions of the emperor, "the Council of the Empire" is a provisional convention, an initiatory parliament, with public debates. And even to that almost British condition, the emperor of Austria has assented. In this aspect the council seems to have become an instrument as valuable for the recovery of Hungarian rights, and the development of liberties in other provinces of Austria, as our own Runnymede and the parliament of our Plantagenets.

Another reform initiated by an imperial statesman has every appearance of being more genuine, because it is more spontaneous, and because it also accords more completely with the context of that statesman's action in other affairs. When Alexander the Second of Russia was only heir-apparent, it was generally considered that he was a dull man, and likely to stand in great contrast with the "energy" of his father; so The hopeful sign consists in the entirely much so, that we were familiar with anticinew circumstances under which the council pations of his being passed by in favor of meets. They are, indeed, enough to show his younger brother. From the conduct of that a revolution has actually been effected Alexander since he has attained the throne, in the imperial palace. The conditions un- we have the key to these anticipations: he der which the emperor agreed to meet the was judged from the St. Petersburg point of Hungarian members of the council amount to view,-we might almost say from the Mosa capitulation: the members had declined cow point of view. Energy" was estitheir seats, and they were pressed to accept; mated by the standard of those who admired when they consented to enter the council they a Russian prince when riding into the chamdeclared that they accepted their seats on ber of his bride on horseback, or calmly their sole personal responsibility, holding no parading his men in the midst of a killing commission from their country. Thus they frost, against which he himself was armed entered the council experimentally, clothed by special clothing. Energy was probably with no authority save that which the empe- thought to be synonymous with despotism: ror gave them, pledged to accept no course, Alexander has shown us that he construes it but simply coming to listen, to take the im- in a manner more congenial to European perial proposals into consideration, and, as opinion. He has not thought it an act of they declared, to give their own judgment energy to persevere with the Menschikofffrankly, without reserve and without preju-ism which characterized Russian policy; dice. The debates of the council are really a but, on the contrary, has shown a real conference between the imperial government strength only in withdrawing from a false which capitulates, and the volunteer deputies position, and in raising his state at once to of Hungary who listen. the higher level of European statesmanship.

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