circumstance of the independence of Circassia being disregarded-from these and other notes and circumstances, Mr. Urquhart is pleased to draw his own conclusions, and to presume that I must have entertained certain opinions with respect to the Vixen expedition. I am quite sure that the right honourable baronet (Sir James Graham), whom I see reading the papers and studying the letter, will not find Mr. Urquhart's assertion proves that anything which has taken place justifies him in saying that I had expressly sanctioned or encouraged the expedition of the Vixen. That expedition took place; the Vixen was seized in November, 1836; and, shortly afterwards, Mr. Urquhart sent a private letter, from Constantinople, to Mr. Strangways, which Mr. Strangways transmits to me in a box with certain papers connected with the affair of the Vixen; and that shows me what Mr. Urquhart had to do in that matter. My first impression, without reading the letter, was to caution Mr. Strangways to take care what he might say, or on what terms he wrote back; because I thought it possible for Mr. Urquhart to be mixed up in the expedition. But then the right honourable baronet (Sir S. Canning) has said that I kept back my opinion on this case, waiting to see the result of the affair of the Vixen. I beg to say that such was not the case. I shortly afterwards read Mr. Urquhart's letter; and I at once saw the share that gentleman had had in persuading Mr. Bell to proceed on the expedition after the design had been abandoned. At that time I was about to send him out on a leave of absence, for which he had applied; and so I took the opportunity, in forwarding that leave of absence, to tell him that I thought his conduct so unaccountable, so incompatible with his public duty-that it had so strongly excited my disapprobation, that I thought it but fair to tell Mr. Urquhart I could not allow him to return to Constantinople. Such, then, was the approbation, according to the peculiar views of the right honourable gentleman, that I gave to this expedition. I have-I suppose it is notorious-a very great deal of business to get through in my department; and sometimes, when letters do not appear to me immediately pressing, I put them by for the time. But the noble lord (Lord Stanley) has said, that the letter of Mr. Urquhart announced, or had relation to, great events which were about to take place. No; but which had already taken place; for it was the fact, that the event to which he alludes had taken place at that time. The letter, therefore, could be supposed to bear only on the personal conduct of Mr. Urquhart himself. The same observation applies to Mr. Urquhart as to Mr. Bell. They were both, it should seem, impressed with a notion that they were promoting an enterprise which her majesty's government liked, but did not desire openly or explicitly to avow. I believe that. But I think one case suggests itself, which shows in how awkward a position these parties were placing themselves. Supposing I had said to Mr. Urquhart, just what Mr. Bell was asking me to say, 'Let the Vixen go,' what course then would the proceeding have taken-what would have been the consequence? Why, Mr. Urquhart would have been placed in this position-he would have been disgraced and reprimanded. He would, at least, have been considered highly reprehensible for what he had done in a position of so much responsibility; but it would have been rather an extraordinary thing if he had been asked privately to do that which, afterwards, he was censured for doing. I added a postscript to my letter, in which I informed that gentleman that I had not stated my reasons publicly for his recall; that I had not even communicated this to Lord Ponsonby; that I wished it to be understood he was coming home on leave of absence; but that, if what had been done had been done with his concurrence, it would not be possible that he should be allowed to return, although I desired to take no public notice of the circumstance. Now, what would have been the answer of Mr. Urquhart if he had received such a letter as that to which allusion has been made, if I had really sanctioned Mr. Bell's expedition? Would he not naturally have said to me--Your communication astonishes me, because I only did that which you yourself urged me to do, but which you now assign as the ground for my dismissal ?'

"I must say, a person, under such circumstances, who could not make that reply, would be less able to defend himself than Mr. Urquhart, or the right honourable gentleman (Sir S. Canning) who has taken up the cudgels for him. There is another extenuating circumstance. Mr. Urquhart, in his letter, relates to a very extraordinary circumstance. He there refers to a conversation which he had with me on his return, early in the month of August, or late in July; and so says, quoting an expression that I used in that conversation, of my utter disapprobation of the part he had taken in the expedition of the Vixen. He states that, up to that moment, he really was not aware that I did not take a great interest in that expedition, or was displeased with what he had done about it. Why, this very individual had actually received, at Constantinople, a letter from me, some months before, in which I clearly expressed my displeasure, and stated that it was on account of his interference in the Vixen, and on that account alone, that he was recalled. He remained there up to July or August, and yet says that he thought, up to the moment of this conversation, I took a great interest in, and expected great national advantages from the expedition. I cannot reconcile discrepancies of this sort; but I confess I cannot understand how any such misapprehension can have been seriously entertained. This I will broadly say, that the letter I wrote to Mr. Urquhart in March, and the statement I made to him when I saw him, ought to have precluded that gentleman from saying that I ever in any way approved, or sanctioned, or gave any encouragement, even of the smallest nature, to an expedition which it was impossible not to foresee, must, in the end, and so far as this country was concerned, be attended with very serious embarrassment and difficulties."

Clearly, in the case of the Vixen, and Mr. Bell, and Mr. Urquhart, Lord Palmerston was guiltless. They had pursued him with invective; they had insisted that he had been bought over by Russia; they talked of having him impeached, confined to the Tower, and ultimately hung. Newspapers and quarterly reviews were established, and pamphlets published, by Mr. Urquhart and his disciples, all reiterating these very serious charges-charges which Lord Palmerston denied and refuted, over and over again, in the House of Commons; and to believe which, as the writer of the work already referred to confesses, implies the insanity of the people, and parliament of England as well. These are charges so monstrous that you feel it to be absurd and impossible to argue against them. It is precisely thus with the charges made against Lord Palmerston by Mr. Urquhart. We can believe that he committed many blunders; we can believe that he was outwitted by diplomatists more able and more cunning than himself; we can believe that his non-interference policy was singularly erratic and inconsistent; that sometimes he was silent and supine when his activity might have been attended with the most beneficial results; that oftentimes he was injudiciously and mischievously active; but that is not the charge of the politicians of the Urquhart class. They tell you that Lord Palmerston was a needy man-as undoubtedly he was in early life, or, at any rate, till the death of Lord Melbourne; that the Princess Lieven, a Russian agent, made his lordship a present of £10,000; and that for this sum, Lord Palmerston, the English Foreign Minister, lent himself to be the tool and ally of Russia, to work her ends, to promote her aims; that is the view of the trade and wealth, and honour and greatness of his native land. This is the charge; and this charge we indignantly put on one side, and treat as unworthy of a moment's consideration. We are not bound to defend his lordship when he was in the wrong; but the absurdity of his being sold to Russia is so great as scarcely to deserve serious consideration: and if he was so, the parliament and the people of this country are equally to blame, as they always supported, in season and out, the Palmerston policy.

Another writer, the late Mr. Washington Wilkes, author of a pamphlet entitled Palmerston in Three Epochs, thus sums up against Lord Palmerston:-"Disdainfully negligent of the rights, and sceptical of the morality of nations, his lordship

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appears equally destitute of that magnanimous spirit which deems the help of the wronged more obligatory when it involves resistance to the strong. Poland, Cracow, Rome, and Hungary, though each confessedly a good cause, are left to succumb, because remonstrance would be vain, and war would be inconvenient to English interests. Liberty and civilisation may have the benefit of English aid in Belgium, Portugal, and Spain; because the Belgians have the sympathy of insurgent Europe, and the despots, Miguel and Carlos, are feeble. In short, the only principles that can be gleaned from a careful review of Palmerstonian utterances and doings are, an irregular indefinite sympathy with constitutional governments; anxiety to maintain the balance of power in Europe; and a determination to make both subservient to the glory and interests of England." This is meant for censure. Is it not, in reality, the highest praise? What other interests has a minister to consult but those of his native land? Mr. Wilkes remarks further "It is with almost painful reluctance that the writer has brought himself to this conclusion. Having finished his task, he may confess that he commenced it with a prepossession of Lord Palmerston's political career, as well as the admiration so commonly felt for his talents and energy. A careful collation of the materials for this review has considerably modified his former feeling. On many a similar effect has been produced by the avowal of his lordship's approval of Louis Napoleon's usurpation. He now stands (1852), as he told Sir Robert Peel two-andtwenty years ago, 'one of the representatives of the people of England and of my own opinions.' He may, peradventure, once more occupy the proud position of helmsman of the British barque through the troublous waters of foreign politics. Would he in that, or in his more private capacity, expiate his late offence against his own fame and the cause of political morality in condoning with Napoleon's treason, he may do so by resuscitating within his heart the spirit of his illustrious friend and master, George Canning; by calling in once more the New World to redress the balance of the Old; and by uniting England and America in an array of their power of opinion against the power of despotic swords, at once preserve the peace and establish the liberties of Europe, crowning his own grey hairs with a wreath of imperishable renown."

Such is the language of Mr. Wilkes, one of the disciples of a political school at one time very popular, but now altogether obsolete. It is a fine idea, that of fighting for the liberties of Europe; it was the idea which made Lord Palmerston not a little popular: but the older he grew, the more clearly he perceived the hopelessness of the task, and the more strongly was forced upon him the necessity of attending to the interests and promoting the welfare of the English people. But there was something stronger than his lordship; and that was, the situation in which he was placed. When the reform ministry came into power, it was as much as they could do to hold their ground; the king was not too fond of them; the House of Lords was dead against them; and the opposition in the House of Commons was of the fiercest character. It was all ministers could do to carry reform. Any reader of the correspondence that passed between Earl Grey and William IV., must be convinced that Palmerston had no chance of giving effectual aid to Poland. It is not very clear that he had the wish. It is more clear that he had not the power.

But we should have gone to war with Russia about the Vixen. If we had we should dearly have rued it. Some years afterwards we did go to war with Russia. In that war we were aided by France and Italy: and what was the result? We suffered more than Russia by that war. The charge made by the Urquhartites against Lord Palmerston was, that his aim was war with France, and peace with Russia. What did actually happen was war with Russia, and peace with France.

Lord Palmerston saved Kossuth, but he could not save Hungary. What could England have done against Austria and Russia? We believe, such was his lordship's love of activity and interference, that he would have gladly made an effort on behalf of Hungary, did not all see that the attempt was hopeless in the extreme.

CHAPTER XXXIX.

DEATH AND FUNERAL OF LORD PALMERSTON.

TOWARDS the end of the parliamentary session of 1865, it was evident to many observers that the health and strength of Lord Palmerston were not what they were. Age, and repeated attacks of gout, had seriously exhausted the noble viscount's wonderful vitality. He dozed more in the midst of parliamentary discussion; he was oftener absent from his post; in his carriage he was less erect; it was evident that the end was near. In spite of the fact that the parliament just about to die had been held together mainly by Lord Palmerston-that the chief dependence of the Whigs had been placed in him-that in him the Tories trusted as the barrier between them and the rising of the democratic deluge, long predicted and deeply feared-it was believed, in many quarters, that Lord Palmerston would never meet his new parliament as Premier; that, before the time for assembling had arrived, he would have relinquished the reins of office, and retired from place and power.

Such expectations were realised, but in an unexpected manner.

His lordship had gone to pass the autumn at Brockett Hall, Herts, formerly the residence of Viscount Melbourne, and which had passed, by his death, into Lady Palmerston's hands. In Brockett Park may be seen some of the finest specimens of English oaks in the kingdom: one in particular is shown, as the bound of liberty allowed to the Princess Elizabeth by her sister, Queen Mary, during the imprisonment of the former at Hatfield House; and it is said that Queen Elizabeth received the tidings of her sister's death while under this tree. Brockett Hall is in the pleasantest part of Hertfordshire, and surrounded by memories of the statesmen of the past. Near by is Burleigh House, the ancient residence of the Cecils: not far is Panshanger, where the Cowpers live: Gorhambury House, the seat of the great Lord Bacon, is not many miles distant; nor Luton-Hoo, where, in elegant retirement, died the once feared and always suspected favourite of a Court, Lord Bute. Brockett Hall was a pleasant change from Romsey or Piccadilly; and it was hoped that its salubrious air would restore strength to the aged Premier, and that there he would find the rest denied to him in the pressure of official life in the metropolis. He had also with him his physician, Dr. Protheroe Smith; and it was expected that, with his aid, the noble viscount might make, considering his years, a complete recovery. Alas! it was otherwise decreed.

In the middle of October, it became known to the public that his lordship was dangerously ill, and the public anxiety was at once aroused.

From the time of his going to Brockett, as we have said, till the day of his death, Dr. Protheroe Smith, who was passing his vacation, was enabled to give his unremitting attention and time to his distinguished patient, in conjunction with the family physician, Dr. Drage, of Hatfield; and the case appeared so hopeful, and so much strength was gained, that till within the last week of his life, no danger, much less immediate alarm, was felt. The week previously, however, Dr. Smith being called away to a distance, professionally, on an urgent errand, was absent from Brockett until the morning of Thursday, two days longer than the former periods; and, on his return, he found that meanwhile Lord Palmerston had caught a severe chill whilst out of doors during the sudden change in the temperature of the weather. The result was an alarming relapse from the ground gained, and very dangerous symptoms occurred during the night of Thursday preceding his decease, yielding only to the persevering efforts of the physician, and to the wonderful elasticity and vital energy of the noble lord. So

much did he rally that it was not till Saturday evening that it was thought advisable to state, by telegraph to the queen at Balmoral, the anxiety that was felt by his relatives. In the meantime he was visited by Mr. Paget and Dr. Burrows, in consultation with Dr. Protheroe Smith and Dr. Watson, who had been telegraphed for to Penzance, and who arrived early on Monday morning. Up to Tuesday afternoon the marked improvement continued, and Lord Palmerston evinced that cheerful pluck and equanimity which won for him, in his political career, the affection as well as the confidence of his fellow-countrymen. But, alas! it was to be of short duration. Drs. Watson and Protheroe Smith, who were constantly watching by his lordship's couch, about half-past three on Tuesday afternoon, saw a return of the collapse which had given so much alarm on the Saturday; and from that time till his death he never rallied, but gradually sank, expiring at a quarter before eleven on Wednesday, October 18th, in the presence of Lady Palmerston, Lord and Lady Shaftesbury, Mr. and Mrs. William Cowper, Lady Jocelyn, and Mr. Evelyn Ashley. He retained his consciousness till the end. His manner was calm and resigned, and his death was apparently unattended by suffering.

The cause of death was, we believe, gout, combined with disease of the bladder. A writer in the Pall-Mall Gazette stated it was caused by riding in an open carriage without a great coat. He adds-"Lord Palmerston was to have been present, a few weeks ago, at the opening of the Bristol Industrial Exhibition; but a sudden attack of the gout, and disease of the bladder, prevented him. From that attack, however, he so far recovered that he could ride out, till once more disease attacked him."

On Wednesday evening, intelligence of the decease of Viscount Palmerston reached the royal borough, telegraphic messages having been despatched to the Windsor terminus, Kingston-upon-Thames, Twickenham, and all the stations and termini of the London and South-Western Railway system. In the course of the evening a government messenger was despatched to Earl Russell, who was residing at Pembroke Lodge, Richmond Park.

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Nothing was talked of in Liverpool, on Wednesday, but the telegrams with reference to Lord Palmerston. Nothing definite was known until mid-day, when it was announced that he was sinking fast." Earlier than this, it was rumoured that some members of the Stock Exchange had received telegrams announcing the death of his lordship as a fact. These, unhappily, proved to be but too true; for, at four o'clock, the secretary of the news-room received the brief announcement"Lord Palmerston is dead." He read it from the bar of the Exchange rooms, amidst profound silence; and the universal expression of feeling afterwards was mingled with regret for the noble lord, and perplexity as to the political results of his unexpected decease. Flags were promptly raised half-mast at the town-hall, on the 'Change buildings, and other public places.

The excitement in Oxford University on Monday and Tuesday was intense, consequent upon the various telegraphic messages received respecting the serious indisposition of Lord Palmerston. A newspaper correspondent wrote-" From the time at which the first intelligence of the recurrence of the malady, under the influence of which the noble Premier has so frequently suffered, was received, the interest here increased in intensity, and each successive telegram was received with an anxiety equalled only upon the occasion of the late Prince Consort's death. Upon the receipt of telegrams confirming the fatal termination of his lordship's attack, instructions were given, by both corporate bodies, to give due solemnity to the event by the tolling of minute bells' from St. Mary's and St. Martin's churches. Politically speaking, his lordship was in no way personally identified with this university, if we except the honorary degree of D.C.L., conferred upon him at the commemoration of 1862; but the mention of his lordship's name at the Encania has invariably been the signal for plaudits, loud and prolonged, in an assembly certainly not distinguished for partisanship in the strictest sense of the term. As