mended a grant of money, to which parliament readily assented; and government resolved to give every man of the Light Horse Engineers and Rifle Volunteers, who should come up to the prescribed standard of efficiency, 20s. a year; and if he should go through the appointed course of ball-practice, 10s. a year in addition. To every efficient artilleryman, 208. more is also given; and for certain other requirements, 10s. additional. In 1862, the vote taken on behalf of the force was £122,888; in 1863, £321,884—a sum the nation does not, nor need not, grudge. It is not too much for an army of 159,000. We are not an aggressive people. We have no designs against the happiness, the freedom, or the prosperity of other nations. All we ask is, that our soil may be preserved from the tread of the invader; that our commerce may be secure; that the sanctity of our hearths and homes may remain undefiled: and thus is it that the volunteer movement is the most popular movement of the day; that we all rush to its annual reviews on Brighton Downs; that in its friendly rivalries we rejoice, and find that, like Barry Cornwall's far-famed Trinity ale

"When rightly understood,

It promoteth brotherly neighbourhood."

In the good old days the English were the first bowmen of Europe. At the battle of Hastings our Anglo-Saxon forefathers learnt a lesson which they took care not to forget. From that period the English archers began to rise in repute, and, in course of time, proved themselves, by their achievements in war, both the admiration and terror of their foes. The exploits of other nations were thrown into the shade. The great achievements of the English bowmen, which shed lustre upon the annals of the nation, extended over a period of more than five centuries. All the youth and manhood of the yeomanry of England were engaged in the practice of the long bow. We were at that time a nation of volunteers. Hence sprang the large bodies of efficient troops, ready for the service of their country. These men were not a rude undisciplined rabble, but were trained and disciplined to deal their arrows with terrible effect. Some few places still retain names which tell us where the bowmen used to assemble for practice-as Shooter's Hill, in Kent; Newington Butts, near London; and St. Augustine Butts, near Bristol. Many of the noble and country families of Great Britain have the symbols of archery on their escutcheons. There are also existing families who have derived their surnames from the names of the different crafts formerly engaged in the manufacture of the bow and its accompaniments. As, for instance, the names of Bowyer, Stringer, Arrowsmith, &c. If we refer to our language, there will be found many phrases and proverbial expressions drawn from, or connected with, archery; some suggesting forethought and caution-as, "Always have two strings to your bow;" it being the custom of military archers to take additional bowstrings with them into the field of battle: "Get the short hand of your adversaries:" "Draw not thy bow before the arrow be fixed;" "Kill two birds with one shaft." In speaking of a man's evil designs recoiling upon himself, they expressed it as, "To outshoot a man in his own bow." "He shoots wide of the mark," represented a foolish guess. "A fool's bolt is soon shot," was the way in which they described vague and silly conversation. It was said of braggarts, "Many talked of Robin Hood who never shot with his bow." Our ancestors also expressed liberality of sentiments, and their opinion that merit belonged exclusively to no particular class or locality, by the following pithy expressions:-"Many a good bow besides one in Chester;" and "An archer is known by his aim, and not by hist arrows."

And the result was, we never feared invasion. Those were not the times when old ladies were frightened out of their night's sleep. Every Englishman was a free, a ready, and a fearless soldier. The foe might growl at a distance, but he never dared to touch our shores, to plunder our cities, to massacre our smiling babes, and to do outrage worse than death to our English maidens: and thus it

will continue to be, now that the bow has been superseded by the rifle, when our lads of public spirit respond to the poet's appeal—

“Form! riflemen, form!'

CHAPTER XV.

PROGRESSIVE LEGISLATION, AND THE FRENCH TREATY OF COMMERrce.

66

IN the letter of the Paris correspondent of the Times, dated December 22nd, 1859, and which appeared in that journal of the 24th, a conversation between an Englishman and a Frenchman was reported, which we are told did not at first excite much attention. The Englishman, without entertaining them himself, was described as drawing the attention of the Frenchman to the feelings so prevalent in England, that France entertained bad intentions towards that country. As particular facts denoting those intentions, "the development given to the French navy, out of all proportion to the requirements and greatness of the country;" the building iron-plated ships at Toulon," and, "at Nantes, hundreds of flat-bottomed boats;" the large supplies of coal which had been imported, and the activity at the arsenals, were insisted upon by the Englishman. The Frenchman explained them all. First, ignoring "the supernumerary" and "extraordinary" credits which had every year been added to the sums voted in the budget, he pointed out, "that not a centime could be expended without the vote of the legislative body, and the previous examination of the council of state;" and that the sums voted "indicated no excessive expenditure on the part of government." With respect to the navy, it had been directed by a royal ordinance of November 22nd, 1846, that the naval force on the peace establishment should comprise 328 ships, of which forty were to be of the line, and fifty frigates. When the great superiority of steam over sailing vessels became manifest, the emperor, in 1855, named a commission, under the presidency of Admiral Hamelin, to fix the basis of the new fleet necessary for France. The commission reported in favour of transforming the sailing ships into steamers. It was calculated that thirteen years would be required to complete the transformation; and an extraordinary credit for the navy, of 17,000,000 francs per annum, was voted for the thirteen years. At that moment they had thirteen ships of the line and thirty-five frigates to build, to complete the peace establishment fixed by Louis Philippe. As to the plated vessels, which were claimed as an invention of the emperor, they were merely an experiment; and transports were building, because the merchant navy was not sufficiently developed to enable the government to procure steam transports when needed. As to the flat-bottomed boats, they were intended, when the English ministry seemed disposed to make coals a contraband of war, to promote the internal communication. French coals were brought to Nantes, and had to be taken to Brest by canals; and the boats were intended to facilitate the transfer over the docks. As to the quantity of coals purchased and imported, they were required to supply the fleet in China, and in other parts of the globe; and the activity in the arsenals was the result of that state of transformation which the artillery as well as the ships had to undergo. The Englishman thanked his companion for the information, and said he would turn it to account. It turned out that the Englishman was Mr. Cobden, and the Frenchman the emperor himself.

It had occurred to Mr. Cobden, as it had done to Mr. Pitt before him, that a commercial treaty with France would tend to perpetuate peace and good-will between that great country and ourselves. "He had frequently," says his biographer, "talked over this idea with other illustrious free-traders, especially with such

men as Michel Chevalier, the distinguished French political economist, and Mr. Bright and the latter publicly expounded it, and urged its adoption, in a speech delivered shortly after the formation of the ministry in 1859. Chevalier, when he read this speech, wrote to Cobden, stating his belief that the time was now ripe for the completion of the idea which had formed so frequent a subject of their mutual converse and their dearest hopes. He also declared that the co-operation of the emperor was certain. This was a great encouragement to Cobden, and he resolved to set about the task. He communicated his plans to Mr. Bright, and the two proceeded to Hawarden Castle, the seat of Sir Stephen Glyn, a relative of Mr. Gladstone, and whom the latter gentleman was then visiting. Mr. Gladstone accorded at once his warmest approval. Cobden then waited upon the Premier, who also sanctioned the enterprise; and the former proceeded at once to Paris, to commence the execution of his difficult but glorious task." The negotiation was long and protracted. In France, a land thoroughly devoted to the doctrine of protection, there were enormous difficulties to be overcome; but the French emperor, it seems, had made up his mind on the subject; and, such being the case, every obstacle in time gave way.

For a

The first indication of the emperor's intention was given in a letter, which, on the 5th of January, he addressed to the Minister of State. In this letter his majesty said, that "notwithstanding the uncertainty which still reigned upon certain points of foreign policy, it was easy to predict with confidence a pacific solution; and the moment had arrived when they could occupy themselves with giving a great impulse to the different branches of the national riches. long time the truth had been proclaimed that it was necessary to multiply the means of exchange to render commerce flourishing; that, without concurrence, industry would remain stationary, and keep up those high prices which opposed the increase of consumption; and that agriculture itself, which prospered industry and developed capital, would remain in its infancy." It was therefore necessary to "develop successively the elements of public prosperity, only taking care to ascertain within what limits the state ought to follow the different interests, and what order of preference it ought to accord to each. Before developing their foreign commerce by the exchange of products, agriculture must be ameliorated, and assisted with capital to carry on its works of drainage, and industry must be freed from those internal burdens which placed it in an inferior position. As 160,000,000

francs of the war loan remained unexpended, the legislative body would be asked for authority to employ that sum in public works, and also to sanction the following measures:-The suppression of duties upon wool and cottons, and their gradual reduction upon sugars and coffees; an improvement in the means of communication; a reduction of the duties upon canals, and, as a consequence, a general lowering of the cost of transport; to advance loans to agriculture and manufactures; to undertake works of public utility; to suppress prohibitions; to conclude treaties of commerce with powerful foreign nations. These measures, it was anticipated, would multiply the means of exchange. The successive reduction. of duties on articles of great consumption would then be a necessity; as also the substitution of protective duties for the prohibitive system which limited their commercial relations."

The appearance of this letter caused the greatest consternation among the French manufacturers, all of whom were the supporters, not merely of high protec tive, but of prohibitive duties on foreign goods. At Rouen they threatened to discharge their workmen; and such was the outcry raised, that, on the 18th of January, it was announced in one of the semi-official papers, that the protective and prohibitive duties would not be abolished before July, 1861, when they would be replaced by protective duties of 30 or 35 per cent.; and that before taking any definitive resolution, the emperor would hear the opinion of the principal manufacturers. In many of the commercial towns, such as Bordeaux and Havre, the emperor's letter had a different effect. In those places, the announced abandonment

of prohibition, and the expected improvement of commerce, gave rise to great rejoicings, and banners were displayed as if a great victory had been gained.

On the 23rd of January, the commercial treaty was signed, and was considered very favourable to France. Whilst England agreed, as soon as the ratifications were exchanged, to admit all French produce and manufactures free of duty, except wines and brandies (the duties on which were to be reduced), France continued her prohibitive duties until October, 1861, except on coal and iron, and raw materials; and then ad valorem imposts, not to exceed 30 per cent., were to be substituted. Coal and iron, so much wanted in France, were to be admitted immediately at reduced duties; and England bound herself not to prohibit the export of the former article. Raw materials were to be admitted duty free, after July, 1861. The treaty was unpopular in both countries; and there was great difficulty in settling the details, and apportioning the duties, which was done by MM. Rouher and Chevalier on the part of France, and Mr. Cobden on the part of England, assisted by committees of the various manufacturing interests. The treaty was to continue in force ten years.

After the successful completion of the French treaty, Lord Palmerston, on the part of her majesty, offered to Mr. Cobden a baronetcy, and a place in the Privy Council. Cobden declined the hereditary rank and the personal honour. He was contented with having performed his duty, and earning the eulogium passed upon him in parliament by Mr. Gladstone, who, in explaining and defending the commercial treaty, said "With regard to Mr. Cobden, speaking, as I do, when every angry passion has passed away, I cannot help expressing our obligations to him for the labour he has, at no small personal sacrifice, bestowed upon a measure which he, not the least among the apostles of free trade, believed to be one of the most memorable triumphs free trade has ever achieved. Rare is the privilege of any man, who having, fourteen years ago, rendered to his country one signal and splendid service, now again, within the same brief span of life, decorated neither by rank nor title, bearing no mark to distinguish him from the people whom he loves, has been permitted to perform a great and memorable service to his sovereign and his country."

In the House of Commons, the discussion on the treaty was very vehement. It was gallantly defended, however, by Lord Palmerston, Milner Gibson, Mr. Gladstone, and many others. In introducing it to the House in his budget speech of February 10th, Mr. Gladstone said

“I will not affect to be unaware that many objections have been stated to this treaty. It has even been said that its terms indicate a subserviency to France, and involve a sacrifice of British interests to those of foreign nations, or of a foreign government. Sir, I am thankful to think that no ministry, be its own. merits, or be the distinction of its chief what they may, can, in this country, hold office for a single session upon terms involving subserviency to any foreign power whatsoever. There is, with us, a perfect security for the honour of the country (to omit all mention of any other. guarantee) in the nature and in the traditions of the two houses of parliament. But, sir, I know not what is meant by subserviency to France as regards the articles of a treaty like this. We have given to France, in the proper sense of the term, nothing by this treaty, if I except some apparent, but very trifling, fiscal sacrifices which we are to make with respect to the single article of brandy. I mean that, perhaps, it might not be necessary for our purposes to reduce the duty to quite so low a point as is fixed by the treaty; and therefore there might be a question whether, in that form, there may be a concession of some infinitesimal advantage. But with that small, and, I believe, solitary exception, we have given nothing to France, by this treaty, which we have not given with as liberal a hand to ourselves. And the changes here proposed, are changes every one of which deserves the acceptance of the House on its own merits, in conformity with all the principles that have been recognised and acted upon for many years past by the legislature.

"But further, sir, as respects the charge of subserviency to France, I know that this treaty may be said to bear a political character. The commercial relations of England and France have always borne a political character. What is the history of the system of prohibitions on the one side and on the other, which grew up between this country and France? It was simply this-that finding yourselves in political estrangement from her at the time of the revolution, you followed up and confirmed that estrangement, both on the one side and the other, by a system of prohibitory duties. And I do not deny that it was effectual for its end. I do not mean for its economical end. Economically it may, I admit, have been detrimental enough to both countries; but for its political end it was effectual. It was because it was effectual that I call upon you to legislate now for an opposite aim, by the exact reverse of that process. And if you desire to knit together in amity these two great nations, whose conflicts have so often shaken the world, undo, for your purpose, that which your forefathers did for their purpose, and pursue, with equal intelligence and consistency, an end that is more bene

ficial.

"I do not forget, sir, that there was a time once when close relations of amity were established between the governments of England and France. It was in the reign of the later Stuarts: it marks a dark spot in our annals; but the spot is dark because the union was a union formed in a spirit of domineering ambition on the one side, and of base and most corrupt servility on the other. But that, sir, was not a union of the nations, it was a union of the governments. This is not to be a union of the governments apart from the countries; it is, as we hope, to be a union of the nations themselves; and I confidently say again, as I have already ventured to say in this House, that there never can be any union between the nations of England and France except a union beneficial to the world; because, directly that either the one or other of the two begins to harbour schemes of selfish aggrandisement, that moment the jealousy of its neighbours will be aroused, and will beget a powerful reaction; and the very fact of their being in harmony, will of itself be, at all times, the most conclusive proof that neither of them can be engaged in meditating anything which is dangerous to Europe.

"There is another class of objections, of which I do not complain, but which, nevertheless, I hope to remove. There are those who say that a commercial treaty is an abandonment of the principles of free trade. Well, certainly a commercial treaty would be an abandonment of the principles of free trade, in the latitude in which we now employ that phrase, if it involved the recognition of exclusive privileges, or if it were founded on what I may call haggling exchanges. In this sense, I admit that Mr. Pitt's commercial treaty would, if we had now adopted it in the precise terms in which it was expressed, have been, on our part, if not an abandonment of free trade, yet a retrogression rather than an advance; but, at the same time, I cannot mention that treaty without saying that I think it was, for the time at which it was made, one of the very best, and one of the very wisest measures ever adopted by parliament, and that it has contributed, at least as much as any other passage of his brilliant career, to the fame of the great statesman who introduced it. We, however, have no exclusive engagements; we have not the pretence of an exclusive engagement. France is perfectly aware that our legislation makes no distinction between one nation and another; and that what we enact for her, we shall, at the same time, enact for all the world. Nor have we affected to be undertaking burdens in exchange for benefits; we have dealt with the stipulations of the treaty, subject to the slight exception I have named, as being, on both sides, only beneficial throughout.

"I am, however, a little surprised at the number and variety of these objec tions, which come rushing from all quarters. It is like the ancient explanation of the physical cause of a storm, which taught, by the poet's mouth, that all the winds-north, east, west, and south-come rushing together upon a single point"Una eurusque notus que ruunt creber que procellis Africus.'