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have faithfully unveiled the mysteries of state-free. masonry, have ever been held in general deteftation, for even knowing so perfectly a theory fo deteftable. The cafe of Machiavel seems at first fight something hard in that respect. He is obliged to bear the iniquities of those whose maxims and rules of government he published. His fpeculation is more abhorred than their practice.

But if there were no other arguments against artificial fociety than this I am going to mention, methinks it ought to fall by this one only. All writers on the science of policy are agreed, and they agree with experience, that all governments must frequently infringe the rules of justice to fupport themselves; that truth must give way to diffimulation; honesty to convenience; and humanity itself to the reigning interest. The whole of this mystery of iniquity is called the reason of state. It is a reason which I own I cannot penetrate. What fort of a protection is this of the general right, that is maintained by infringing the rights of particulars? What fort of justice is this, which is inforced by breaches of its own laws? These paradoxes I leave to be solved by the able heads of legiflators and politicians. For my part, I say what a plain man would fay on such an occafion. I can never believe, that any institution agreeable to nature, and proper for mankind, could find it neceffary, or even expedient in any cafe whatsoever to do, what the best and worthiest instincts of mankind warn us to avoid. But no wonder, that what is set up in opposition to the state of nature, should preferve itself by trampling upon the law of nature.

To prove that these sorts of policed societies are a violation offered to nature, and a constraint upon the human mind, it needs only to look upon the fanguinary measures, and instruments of violence which are every where used to support them. Let us take a review of the dungeons, whips, chains, racks, gibbets, with which every society is abundantly stored, by which hundreds of victims are annually offered up to support a dozen or two in pride and madness, and millions in an abject servitude and dependence. There was a time, when I looked with a reverential awe on these mysteries of policy; but age, experience, and philofophy have rent the veil; and I view this fanctum fanctorum, at least, without any enthusiastick admiration. I acknowledge indeed, the neceffity of fuch a proceeding in such institutions; but I must have a very mean opinion of institutions where such proceedings are neceffary.

It is a misfortune, that in no part of the globe natural liberty and natural religion are to be found pure, and free from the mixture of political adulterations. Yet we have implanted in us by Provi dence ideas, axioms, rules, of what is pious, just, fair,

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fair, honeft, which no political craft, nor learned fophiftry, can entirely expel from our breafts. By these we judge, and we cannot otherwise judge of the several artificial modes of religion and society, and determine of them as they approach to, or recede from this standard.

The fimplest form of government is despotism, where all the inferiour orbs of power are moved merely by the will of the Supreme, and all that are subjected to them, directed in the fame manner, merely by the occafional will of the magiftrate. This form, as it is the most simple, so it is infinitely the most general. Scarce any part of the world is exempted from its power. And in thofe few places where men enjoy what they call liberty, it is continually in a tottering situation, and makes greater and greater strides to that gulph of defpotism which at last swallows up every species of government. The manner of ruling being directed merely by the will of the weakest, and generally the worst man in the society, becomes the most foolish and capricious thing, at the fame time that it is the most terrible and destructive, that well can be conceived. In a defpotism the principal perfon finds, that let the want, mifery, and indigence of his fubjects be what they will, he can yet poffefs abundantly of every thing to gratify his most infatiable wishes. He does more. He finds that these gratifications increase in proportion

portion to the wretchedness and flavery of his fubjects. Thus encouraged both by paffion and interest to trample on the publick welfare, and by his station placed above both shame and fear, 'he proceeds to the most horrid and shocking outrages upon mankind. Their persons become victims of his fufpicions. The flightest displeasure is death; and a difagreeable aspect is often as great a crime as high treason. In the court of Nero, a perfon of learning, of unquestioned merit, and of unfufpected loyalty, was put to death for no other rea fon than that he had a pedantick countenance which displeased the emperour. This very monster of mankind appeared in the beginning of his reign to be a person of virtue. Many of the greatest tyrants on the records of history have begun their reigns in the fairest manner. But the truth is, this unnatural power corrupts both the heart and the understanding. And to prevent the leaft hope of amendment, a king is ever fur. rounded by a crowd of infamous flatterers, who find their account in keeping him from the least light of reafon, till all ideas of rectitude and jus tice are utterly erased from his mind. When Alexander had in his fury inhumanly butchered one of his best friends and bravest captains; on the return of reason he began to conceive an horrour fuitable to the guilt of such a murder. In this juncture, his council came to his assistance.

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But what did his council? They found him out a philosopher who gave him comfort. And in what manner did this philosopher comfort him for the lofs of fuch a man, and heal his confcience, flagrant with the smart of fuch a crime? You have the matter at length in Plutarch. He told him; " that let a fovereign do what he will, all his actions

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are just and lawful, because they are his." The palaces of all princes abound with fuch courtly philosophers. The consequence was such as might be expected. He grew every day a monster more abandoned to unnatural luft, to debauchery, to drunkenness, and to murder. And yet this was originally a great man, of uncommon capacity, and a strong propensity to virtue. But unbounded power proceeds step by step, until it has eradi. cated every laudable principle. It has been remarked, that there is no prince so bad, whose favourites and ministers are not worse. There is hardly any prince without a favourite, by whom he is governed in as arbitrary a manner as he governs the wretches subjected to him. Here the tyranny is doubled. There are two courts, and two interests; both very different from the interefts of the people. The favourite knows that the regard of a tyrant is as unconstant and capricious as that of a woman; and concluding his time to be short, he makes haste to fill up the measure of his iniquity, in rapine, in luxury, and

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