neither property, education, nor character. How is information to be conveyed to these classes? How is truth or political knowledge to pierce the dense and cloudy atmosphere of our great manufacturing cities? It is in vain to reason with these men; they are incapable of understanding an argument, and if they were they would as soon take a scorpion in their hands as a Conservative publication.

It is here that Conservative associations might operate most efficaciously in aiding the cause of truth. The part they have to perform is to organize the means of diffusing sound constitutional journals among men of moderate principles, and thereby confirm those already gained, and make converts among the disaffected. As numbers have an immense advantage over property, in influencing the daily press, for this plain reason, that one Radical, worth L. 100 a-year, can read as many journals as a nobleman worth L.100,000, or a statesman whose name is to become immortal, it is by combinations of men of substance, and by that means alone, that an equipoise can be restored, and property, in the great literary strife, be placed on a footing of equality with numbers. Some part of the funds of every Conservative Association should be devoted to the purchase of the ablest journals and periodicals of the day, with a view to their diffusion, at an under price, among the persons of an inferior grade, whom it is practicable to win over to safe and constitutional principles. By so doing a double object is gained. Talent is encouraged to devote itself to such undertakings, and numbers, who never otherwise would get a glimpse of the truth, have the means of illuminating their minds afforded them. Gratuitous distribution should be avoided; it is in general considered as an insult, and seldom produces any lasting consequences. It is the diffusion of able Conservative journals, or works of sterling ability in circulating libraries, mechanics' institutions, &c. at a rate considerably below the selling price, that is most likely to be efficacious. And, in making the selection, let them avoid the common error of supposing the working classes can understand nothing but works, luce

meridiana clariores, expressly intended for their illumination. There never was a greater mistake; they should be addressed by the same arguments as are deemed fit for their superiors; and if they only can be got to read them, truth in the end will work its way in the humblest class as well as in the most elevated.

II. But these remedies addressed to the understanding are slow in their operation, the conversion of a generation, especially in the middling ranks, is not accomplished in a day, and great numbers of them are placed far beyond the reach of conviction, by the force of prejudices which are altogether insuperable, interests which are insurmountable, or resolution not to read the other side, which is invincible. Let us beware lest we rely upon the tendency towards Conservative principles working impossibilities, or doing more than, in the corrupted and artificial state of society in which we live, is practicable. The dread of revolution has spread as far and done as much as could possibly be expected, and yet it has not given the friends of the constitution a majority in the House of Commons. We must always recollect how numerous and powerful are the classes who are, and ever must be, banded together to effect the overthrow of our institutions; to whom the confusion, discord, and spoliation, so much dreaded by others, is not only no object of alarm, but the greatest possible object of desire. There is, in the first place, a certain proportion, probably about a third, of the Peerage who, from the force of party bonds, or the desire of rising to political eminence by the elevation of their faction, or a restless desire of change, or the stings of personal jealousy or resentment, are ever to be found at the head of the innovating party, and will be found there till it conducts them to exile, confiscation, and death. No possible amount of peril will ever deter them; the Duke of Orleans and forty-seven of the oldest families of France joined the Tiers Etat on the first great convulsion, and by so doing consigned themselves to exile and ruin, and their country to perpetual bondage. There is, in the next place, the numerous body of expectants of of

fice, who cling to the Revolutionary party from selfish motives, and with out disquieting themselves about the consequences of political changes, stick fast by the party who are likely to send the loaves and the fishes in their direction. Then there is the numerous band of bankrupts, reprobates, and prodigals; the men who have been precipitated into misfortune, or ruined themselves by their extravagance; all who find themselves excluded from society by their misdeeds or abandoned characters; all, in short, who are bankrupt in fortune, character, or reputation; for, as Lord Bacon says, "As many as there are fortunes overthrown, are there sure votes for innovation." To these must be added, the numerous, restless, and intriguing body, whom religious divisions have inspired with sectarian zeal, and who have superadded to political animosity theological fervour; the Catholics, the Nonconformists, the Dissenters. With these are joined the profligate and dissipated youth who have discarded all authority in religious matters, and are desirous of emancipating themselves from every control, human and divine, the numerous band of libertines, profligates, and infidels. Then comes the motley array of the manufacturing cities. To these numerous and varied classes of political adventurers, or profligates, must be added no small body of sincere and honest republicans, who are deluded enough to advocate American institutions in the midst of the aged civilisation of England. Such, so varied and numerous, is the class who, differing from each other on all other subjects, as far as the poles are asunder, are united by the single bond of a desire to overturn our institutions, and in the prosecution of that object may be expected to act unanimously, energetically, and cordially together.

With the greater part of these men, noreaction whatever is to be expected -self-interest in some, political fanaticism in others, jealousy of their superiors in a third class, individual ambition in a fourth, religious fervour in a fifth, infidel sophistry in a sixth, ignorance in a seventh, the pride of a little knowledge in an eighth, a resolution not to be converted in a

ninth, a determination never to read a word of the enemy in a tenth-such are the motives or circumstances which bind them to the colours of innovation. This combination of classes would be of little importance in ordinary times, or under a rational form of government, because the holders of property and the men of education would possess the means of thwarting, without any extraordinary_effort, all their destructive projects. But that is very far indeed from being the case now. Experience has proved that they compose, as the rolls now stand, a majority or nearly so of the whole electors; and that it is only by incessant and vigorous exertions on the part of the holders of property, that their representatives can be prevented from plunging the nation into all the horrors of anarchy. It is indispensable, ante omnia, to reconstruct some barrier which may permit the industrious part of the community to repose in some degree of security, and pursue their wonted avocations in quiet, without being, as at present, perpetually kept on the stretch to resist measures obviously leading to public convul sion.

It is in providing some such effective barrier against the forces of anarchy, now so fearfully banded together, that Conservative associations are in an especial manner of value. In considering the objects to which they should be applied, it is of importance to take the utmost care that these proceedings are strictly legal. They must not imitate the political unions in seeking to dictate to, or overawe any branch of the legislature. They must lay it down as a fundamental position, that every legislative measure is to be carried by the free and unfettered determinations of the high court of Parliament, and in that way alone. They must be sworn enemies of every species of violence, corruption, and intimidation. The great theatre of their exertions, because it is the constitutional theatre for them, must be the Registration Courts. Their object must be by an approved and extensive organization to obtain lists of all the voters on the Conservative interest who can be put on the roll in every borough and county of the

kingdom, to disseminate instructions for the correct preparation of the claims, and provide funds for the defence of them, and the removal of the illegal votes of the opposite party from the register. The expense of such preliminary measures should, in every city and county, be provided for by a subscription from the Conservative associations; and there is no way in which their funds could be employed which would be half as efficacious. It is quite reasonable that the immediate expense of the canvass and the election should be borne by the candidates; but it is utterly unreasonable, and is, in fact, vain to expect, that the previous and far more useful expenses incurred in securing the registration of Conservative voters should be incurred by them. In a few cases, indeed, where a great family has an interest in securing a county or borough from Radical invasion, this may be done; but generally speaking it is out of the question. The Conservative interest, whether in the city or county, must do it for themselves, or it will not be done at all.

And what is the effect to be anticipated from such a neglect of the registrations by the Conservative party? Experience, woful experience, tells us what it is-its uniform result is that the seats fall into the jaws of the Radicals. They are always ready-no whipping or spurring is required to bring them up to the scratch. It is otherwise with the Conservatives. Strong among all men of property, education, or virtue, they are too often weak in towns and manufacturing districts in mere numbers. In such situations they are struggling, hitherto at least, against the stream, and the moment that the effort ceases they are swept away by the waves. Experience proves that all attempt at registration speedily ceases on the part of the Conservatives the moment they abandon their efforts to gain a majority.

The

opinion rapidly gets wind that the contest there, at least, is hopelessthe friends of the constitution make no farther attempt to record their votes, and the enemy obtain an unresisted triumph, under circumstances where, by a little exertion, a decided majority might have been

gained the other way. Among the many and incalculable benefits conferred upon the nation by the late dissolution and Sir R. Peel's assumption of the helm, it is not the least that it demonstrated in how many places a Conservative contest could successfully be maintained-in how many others the victory was gained by the enemy by a very slender majority, and how great would be the effect in all of a combined effort of the Conservatives to place their friends on the roll, and neutralize that flood of Radicalism by which, during the Reform mania, the political institutions of the country were overwhelmed.

We speak from pretty extensive experience in these matters, and we can assure our readers in every part of the empire, that it is of infinitely greater importance to make an effort in the Registration Courts than in canvassing or bringing up voters on the eve of an election. Nay, we are confident it will be found, that L.1000 laid out in this way will do more than L. 10,000 expended during the heat and anxiety of a contest. In the Registration Courts, also, property is likely to be far more efficacious in producing funds than the numbers which are so preponderating on the other side. During the excitement and tumult of a canvass, the popular party are always unsparing of their strength and breath, and sometimes not a little liberal of their money; but it will in general be found that they are much more tardy than their opponents in producing the funds requisite to sustain a lengthened contest for weeks together in the Registration Courts on matters intelligible only to lawyers, and in the first instance profitable only to that odious race. Look at the way in which private undertakings, often the most absurd and unreasonable, are frequently carried in the end by a small body of interested individuals, in opposition to the most fervent, and at first unanimous, resistance of multitudes. How is it accomplished? Invariably by sticking to the point-by recurring year after year to the charge, and getting the enemy involved in some proceeding which requires an outlay of money. It is want of funds which always breaks up the assemblies of

the multitude. What dissolved the Birmingham Political Union? Want of money. What dissolved the Trades' Unions? Want of money. Try them with a subscription-that is the way to put all Whig and Radical projects to the test. Where are all the Reform pillars and monuments which were carried by acclamation? It is astonishing how a Radical assemblage is thinned when a subscription paper goes round. A sturdy old Whig family will, in defence of a close borough which they have saved from schedule A, or a county which they hoped to get into their clutches, pay away manfully, but the vehement, inconstant multitude will never, except in a moment of uncommon excitement, do any such thing. It is in the Registration Courts, therefore, where the dull, unprofitable, unheard of expenditure of money is required, that property can best regain its ascendency over numbers-in other words, that the balance of the constitution can be restored.

How was Devonshire gained? In the Registration Courts. How was Staffordshire gained? In the Registration Courts. How was Invernessshire gained? In the Registration Courts. How was South Lancashire gained? In the Registration Courts. How was Stirlingshire gained? In the Registration Courts. How was Roxburgh gained? In the Registration Courts. How is Dublin certain, at the next election, to throw off the yoke of the paid agitator? By exertion in the Registration Courts. All the victories gained by the Conservatives over the Revolutionists have been achieved by previous efforts in the enrolment of voters. What has already been done has almost restored "the worn out Tory faction, which can never again set its face to the Government of England," to an equality with the spoliators in the Reformed House of Commons. Another such effort, and they will obtain a decided majority. The enemy's breath is failing him; the first brunt of his vehemence is over; dismay is already apparent in his ranks; now, therefore, is the time, by an unanimous and concentrated effort, to wrest from him the sceptre of the empire, which he

would soon convert into a Jacobin standard. It is thus, and thus alone, that the Constitution can be saved; it is thus, and thus alone, that justice can be done to the Reform Bill itself, and the new Constitution, instead of giving a fatal ascendency to a single class of the community, be made to answer the real end of limited Government, the just representation of all classes and interests in the community.

In this great national work, of regaining in the Registration Courts that fair ascendency to property and education which the Reform Bill in the first instance so completely overwhelmed, there is need of a combined effort of all right thinking classes of the community. With a view to its effective direction, there is need of several things which a practical acquaintance with these matters must already have suggested to the strenuous and active in every part of the country.

1. The first thing to do, is to esta blish in every county, city, or borough, where the machinations of the enemy are to be resisted, a central committee, composed of the leading men in the district, to concert a plan of operations, communicate with parochial or district committees, and use every exertion to enlist all the citizens who can be relied on in the common cause. In this central committee there is much need of those whose station or character gives them weight in society, of those whose talents or eloquence are calculated to sway the public mind, and of those whose habits of business or legal acquirements fit them for the practical direction of affairs. In every such committee, it is by the combination of these three classes that a foundation must be laid for a really weighty and efficient Administration.

2. But it is not sufficient that a central committee of this influential character is established in every electoral district. It is, moreover, necessary, that it should be supported, and its ramifications extended, by subordinate committees in every parish in counties, and in every subdivision in great towns. Without the establishment of such sub-committees, the requisite local information can never be obtained by the

central body, and all its exertions will be of little avail. Alfred's celebrated system of counties, tythings, and hundreds, is the true model to be followed in such cases. Observe the Radicals how they act in order to gain the command of a great town. They establish several hundred committees, whereby the work is so thoroughly subdivided, that each committee-man has only three or four electors to examine into or work at.

3. But powerful as is the agency of such local committees, acting in obedience to the suggestions of a central board, it is also indispensable that it should be composed of persons calculated to sway, or obtain information from their neighbours possessing or entitled to possess the electoral franchise. The persons chosen for this purpose should not be legal agents nor a Vowed canvassers, nor gentlemen who obviously are out of their sphere in such employments, but the friends, neighbours, and equals of the persons whom it is desirable to enlist in the Conservative interest. It is by their exertions that members are to be obtained to Conservative associations, and the information elicited, which is necessary either for augmenting their own, or diminishing their opponents' forces on the roll. The aid of legal men, invaluable in methodising and turn ing to good account the information thus acquired, is in general prejudicial rather than otherwise, as likely to awaken unfounded suspicions in the first instance.

4. The province of legal gentlemen comes afterwards; and there it is indeed of the most vital importance. To them belongs the important task of sifting, and examining the information and titles which have been obtained; considering what votes should be advanced on their own side, and what challenged on the other, and in general preparing matters for the barristers or agents who are to conduct the business in the Registration Courts. We call on the legal gentlemen over the whole country, who are of Conservative principles (and they compose a great majority of the whole legal profession), to give their services in these matters gratuitously, and we are sure the ap

peal will not be made in vain. If a great family, indeed, for the sake of keeping up their interest in a county, are at the expense of a contest, it is all fair that they should pay for the legal assistance they obtain; but if the struggle is maintained by the Conservative party generally on public grounds, the professional gentlemen engaged in it should make their subscription consist in their services. This is generally done in England, and such aid is of the utmost importance; and from the vital interests which all members of the legal profession have in the maintenance of order, and the honourable feelings by which they are actuated, we are sure that the example only requires to be brought forward to secure its general adoption.

5. To ensure the cheapest and most efficacious diffusion of accurate knowledge on subjects of election, the leading committees of the counties and boroughs should club together, and obtain, at their common expense, full directions from eminent counsel as to the formation of votes, the preparatory steps, as by changes of title, requisite to obtain the placing of claimants on the roll, the time when these changes should be made, the consent of parties necessary to render them effectual, the time and mode of giving in claims for enrolment, and objections to the adverse voters, and in general all the details required for an increase of Conservative voters in elections. As one set of directions for counties and another for boroughs will suffice for the whole country, this should be done at the joint expense of the whole central committees, and printed at a cheap rate, diffused as generally as possible among all persons who are supposed to incline to the side of order, or can be relied on in an approaching contest.

6. But it will be in vain that all this organization takes place, unless the efforts of the committees are seconded by the cordial co-operation of every individual of Conservative principles within their bounds. Let every person, therefore, who has a guinea to lose, or a family to inherit, consider it now as the most important and sacred of public duties to give every assistance in his power to the great national effort to