rose to distinction during the time of Henry | his diplomatic career. Such views were not the Holy, the last of the Saxon emperors. in accordance with the ambition of Napoleon, The family possessed the country from the nor with the spirit of his restless and belMoselle to Handsruck; and Lothar, one of ligerent subjects; and the Austrian ambasthe founders of the family, was, from 1599 to 1623, Archbishop and Elector of Treves.

The present Prince de Metternich is the son of Francis George Metternich, the first prince of that house, who was born in Coblentz in 1746. The subject of these reminiscences was born in the same city, and studied, after a careful preparatory education, at the university of Strasburgh. He was present, with his father, at the coronation of the Emperor Leopold, in 1790, at Frankfort-on-theMaine. His younger years were sedulously

sador returned to Vienna. Soon afterwards he arranged the preliminaries of that forced peace, which gave Napoleon still greater power over Austria, and emboldened him not only to demand, but enabled him to insist on being married to a princess of the house of Hapsburg.

The Russian campaign having proved disastrous to Napoleon, and the Austrian cabinet having, at first, undertaken a position of mediation, Count Metternich endeavored to bring about a cessation of hostilities. There

devoted to the study of international law, and can be no doubt but the matrimonial alliance to the principles of government. These between Napoleon and the daughter of the studies were conducted at the university of Emperor of Austria led to this movement; Mayence. In the year 1792, he was, like- but the usurper continued as haughty as if he wise, present at the coronation of the late had conquered Russia; and Prussia took her Emperor Francis II; and he then assisted ground with a nobleness which more than his father in his administration, and subse- compensated for her desertion of Austria on quently visited several European courts, remaining some time in England. The disasters carried into the Rhenish countries by the French armies dispossessed his family. In Quadruple Alliance treaty at Töplitz; and, 1794, his talents obtained for him a post at second, after the battle of Leipsic, in followthe imperial court; and in the following year ing up those measures, in which he was perhe was married to Mary Eleonora, daughter sonally engaged, with incessant vigilance at of Prince Ernest of Kaunitz-Rittberg, and Frankfort, Friburg, Basle, Langres, Chauthe granddaughter of the imperial chancellor. mont, at the convention of Fontainebleau, His diplomatic career commenced in 1797-8,

a former occasion. The most distinguished period of the Prince de Metternich's life now commenced; first, by his arranging the

and at the peace of Paris.

when sent by the emperor as plenipotentiary From Paris he accompanied the allied sove

to the congress at Radstadt. His talents and reigns to England, and the time he spent policy at that congress I shall hereafter ex- amongst us was devoted by him to observing amine, and shall content myself for the mo- the state of the United Kingdom in regard to ment, by drawing a rapid and general sketch our social and national condition. The faof the outline of his life to the year 1814, mous congress of Vienna, which opened in with which I have commenced these Remi- the October following the treaty of May, niscences. 1814, was that in which, as president and ne

order of date, I propose devoting the first
portion of my Reminiscences of
eminiscences of this celebrat-
ed man rather to the middle, than to the
commencement, or decline, of his life; and
shall, in my next article, trace him more
fully from the beginning of his diplomatic
career, to the time when to him were confid-
ed by the Emperor of Austria the many
thorny positions connected with the congress

Hostilities between Austria and France gociator, his diplomatic abilites were displayhaving broken out, in consequence of Aus- ed in the most distinguished and extraordinatria adhering to the coalition between Eng-ry manner. And, although somewhat out of land and Russia, Count Metternich left Berlin, when the third coalition of Prussia with Buonaparte had been ratified. In 1806, after the humiliating peace of Presburg, which ceded Venice and the Tyrol to Napoleon, Count Metternich, under the title of Earl of Coblentz, proceeded as ambassador to Paris, where he had one of the most difficult parts to play with the haughty and victorious usurper, and with so skilful and impenetrable of Vienna. a foreign minister as Prince de Talleyrand. The Count de Metternich could not, undoubtedly, prevent the disastrous war which broke out, in 1809, between Austria and France. Yet peace, on the one hand, and the supremacy of Austria in Germany on the other, were, at all times, the great objects of

I shall, likewise, in that second portion of my Reminiscences, examine his conduct at the congress of Rastadt, look into his proceedings and policy from 1815 to 1830, describe him as the negotiator with the Revolutionary party, and trace him to the present time, when, at the good old age of seventy

one, he is enjoying the confidence of his sovereign, the respect of all his fellow-subjects, and, I may add, the gratitude of Europe.

Before, however, I proceed to detail the

repeatedly defended the rights of German citizens when they were most in peril. He was a friend to Poland, to the free towns and cities of Germany, to petty princes, and

memorable part he took at the congress of to smaller states; and whilst he has invaria

bly proclaimed the absolute principle as the one most favorable to the happiness of civilized man, he has bent to circumstances, yielded to facts, and sought to render events, which he regarded as calamities, as little calamitous as possible.

Vienna, and, in regard to all its proceedings, it is necessary clearly to state what are the principles, invariable and decided, of the prince. He does not believe that political liberty is essential to the happiness, honor, or dignity of man. He does not believe that the nations which have enjoyed the greatest degree of this political liberty, have been the wisest, most virtuous, or most happy. He shall attack indirectly. And I prefer this

There are certain prevalent opinions with regard to the Prince de Metternich, which I

line of proceeding, because I desire rather that the incontrovertible facts I shall adduce should speak for themselves, and thus meet

does not believe that the material wants and comforts of the people are so well, or so in variably attended to under a constitutional, as beneath the sway of an absolute monarch. the objections which are made to the views He believes that the liberty which the people and policy of the prince, than that any mere ought to enjoy every where, is the liberty of eulogy or defence on my part should even be making the most of their labor, the liberty of believed and adopted. The Prince de Metenjoying all they acquire, the liberty of wor- ternich is a very great man. He has been shipping God according to the forms and cer- mixed up, ardently, zealously, perseveringly, emonies of the Romish Church, the liberty in all the events of the last fifty years. Durof enjoying all social and family comforts, ing that half century he has been one of the without any arbitrary infringement or exac- political chiefs of Europe and the world. tions, the liberty of free action in all things He has fought the battle of the monarchy which are not opposed to the laws of the with a zeal, discretion, energy, and forbearstate, and the liberty of forming those relation- ance, which prove him to be a consummate ships and ties, which ensure to man his statesman. He is now reposing on his laugreatest amount of mere worldly enjoyment. rels. He is now witnessing the success of But he does not believe in republicanism or his monarchical policy and measures. federalism. He does not believe in constitu- it will surely be interesting to contemplate

And

such a man at one of the most interesting periods of ancient or modern history-I mean at the time of the congress of Vienna.

tional monarchies. He does not believe in the three powers in the government of a state. He does not believe in the action of such a government for the welfare of a people. He is of opinion that the unrestrained liberty of the press is much more injurious ably one of the most distinguished actors in than beneficial. He is a friend to education, but it must be of a Roman Catholic charac

ter.

The Prince de Metternich was unquestion

He believes not only in the possibility, difficulties, whether moral, social, physical,

but in the certainty of men being most happy, when they pay the least attention to their political institutions. He believes that civilization should by no means be identified with what he regards as revolutionary principles.

the great drama of the Vienna congress. He had studied Europe with long and sustained attention. He was perfectly familiar with the or political, appertaining to each state. He had watched with care the demands made by rash people of their respective governments, during the war which had raged for so long a period. And he was fully prepared to discuss their wants, to combat their prejudices, and to relieve positive and undoubted evils. He knew not less intimately the relations of

He believes that no man really feels that politically free institutions are essential to his happiness, as is food, and as are comfortable dwellings, family associations, religious instruction, and protection in the enjoyment of his personal freedom, his fortune, and his life. He believes that the absolute principle, by the events which had transpired since

assures to man a far greater amount of happiness, than either the democratic or the constitutional principle; and he, therefore, has devoted a large portion of his life to its defence and maintenance. But he is no tyrant. He is no lover of despotism. He invariably opposes all tendencies to tyranny. He has

European governments the one to the other: the changes which had been brought about

1789; and the further important changes

which must take place, before any thing approaching to a settlement of Europe could be

said to be effected.

Let us now see him at work. Let us watch him before the congress. Let us move with him through the various stages of the history of that great assembly. This shall be done without prejudice, and without partiality.

When the prince became one of the leading members of the congress of Vienna, he carried to that congress a perfect knowledge of existing treaties. There were the separate and secret articles concluded in October 1813 between Austria and Bavaria. There was the treaty of alliance of the 2d of November, 1813, between Austria and Wirtemberg. There was the project of a federal constitution for

Germany communicated by the Prince of contrary, to keep all our decisions entirely

When it was suggested that the states of the second and third class should, nevertheless, be, from day to day, or from time to time, kept informed relative to the decisions of the German commitee, it was Prince de Metternich who said, "No; it is our duty, on the Hardenberg to the Prince de Metternich, at a secret; and even none of us five, who consticonference which had taken place at Baden, tute the committee, ought to have the right to in Austria. There was the treaty of Paris submit any proposition to our respective of May 30, 1814. And, in one word, a mul- courts, until the projected constitution shall titude of documents were to be consulted, be complete. Then, let each representative and the claims they recognised to be discuss- apply to his government for its definitive ined and altered, or maintained. With all of structions."

potentiaries of Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, diplomatist almost invariably prevailed. The

When the Prince de Wrede attacked the A representative system has independence Hamburg, existed, as of right, in Germany from time imme- Lubec, and Bremen," and declared that "Bamorial. In many states its organization was varia could not recognise such a title," it was based on particular arrangements entered into the Prince de Metternich who observed, between the prince and his subjects; and in coun- "these cities have been already recognised tries where the states had even ceased to exist, as free by the alliances they have contracted the subjects possessed important rights which with foreign powers, and notably with Engthe laws of the empire had established, and to land and France; and that such facts could which they still granted their protection. The King of Great Britain is indubitably as much not be set aside." Yet this is the man who a sovereign as any European prince whatever; is constantly misrepresented as the enemy to and the liberties of his people, far from tending human liberty.

onded by an autograph letter written to him | committee, and to the conduct of the Prince by the Emperor Alexander of Russia; in de Metternich with regard to the Germanic which his majesty stated, with distinctness, confederation. The King of Wirtemberg, that he fully coincided in the sentiments of Prince Metternich, and desired that his views of the rights of the German people, should be carried into effect.

In the early part of the proceedings of the congress of Vienna, the question of "What was to become of Poland?" was felt to be

dissatisfied with the proceedings of the committee, and displeased at finding that the propositions made by his representatives were not well received by the other members, sent, on the 16th Nov. 1814, a written protest, in which he required that the whole of the plans of Austria and Prussia, with regard to Germany,

one of the most difficult. The project rela- should be submitted to him before he should tive to the incorporation of the whole of Po- be further required to proceed with the disland with Russia, as a distinct kingdom, un-cussions as to the constitution of the confedder a viceroy, was at first concerted between eration. This was the beginning of a serious

Russia and Prussia, at the period of the signature of the treaty of Paris. This project, however, was greatly opposed by the Prince de Talleyrand. In vain did Russia and Prussia invoke a secret article of the treaty of Paris, which compelled France to accede to the division which the "allies" should agree to, of the countries which had been conquered or ceded. The Prince de Talleyrand insisted, that by the word "allies," must be understood the whole of the allies, and not this or that power; and that France would only recognise the decisions come to by the congress en masse. Now, what was the line of conduct adopted by the Prince de Metternich on this

and formidable opposition. On the very same day, also, a note was delivered to the Princes de Metternich and de Hardenberg, by the plenipotentiaries of twenty-nine foreign princes and free cities of Germany, in which they demanded, without delay, to be called upon to deliberate on the subject of the constitution and the constitution of their common country. This formidable list of twenty-nine was afterwards augmented to thirty-four by the signatures of five other courts. This was the beginning of a very severe conflict, during the whole of which the Prince de Metternich displayed a firmness, forbearance, patience, and energy, which confounded those

important occasion? Did he oppose the who were most resolute in opposing him. Prince de Talleyrand, and the honest and The Duke of Brunswick was energetic in his fair interpretation put upon the treaty in the complaints. The Grand Duke of Baden was interest of Poland? By no means. He united decisive in his demands. The plenipotenhis voice with those of France and England, tiaries of the King of Denmark were loud in and the Polish question was therefore sub- their remonstrances. And a host of very pet

ty states indeed joined in the general "charivari" against the firm and unwavering Prince de Metternich.

mitted to a new and general discussion. The inconveniences which would have arisen from the union of the whole of Poland, under a Russian viceroy, were at last admitted, even by the King of Prussia, the private friend of the Emperor Alexander; who did not believe that the acquisition of Saxony, and of the countries between the Meuse and the Moselle, could balance the dangers to which the incorporation of Poland would expose his monarchy. The Prince de Talleyrand, with his consummate tact and finesse, also labored to prove to the other powers, the great evils which must arise from so collossal an aggrandizement of Russia; and he proposed to give to the king of Prussia all the duchy of Warsaw, at least to the banks of the Vistula. This was generally felt to be the best arrange- to Germany. He says, "that object, as re

ment, provided it would be found impossible to re-establish Poland in a manner useful to the balance of power in Europe. In the whole of these negotiations the Prince de Metternich invariably leant to the side of the unfortunate, and Poland had in him a decided and powerful friend.

But, to return to the German constitution

But how instructive and delightful it is to notice and record how a giant man with a giant mind calmly, deliberately, and fearlessly proceeded to confront his opponents and to defend his system. He began with the plenipotentiaries of the King of Wirtemberg, and six days after the receipt of their protest, forwarded a note, which destroyed at once the false accusations which they, in the name of the king, had brought against him. In that admirable document the prince thus expresses his opinion with respect to the "object of the great alliance which had delivered Europe from an ignominious yoke," as far as relates

gards Germany, was the dissolution of the Rhenish confederation, and the re-establishment of German liberty and of the constitution, with some modifications."

Whilst constantly occupied with great questions of principle, in the discussions which took place before the congress and in the various committees, the Prince de Metternich,