England. Patronized by Dr. Meade, Carte | great control over his principles: his Jacohad previously published his noble edition bitism can only be detected in his fairness of Thuanus, which, after his recall to Eng- towards monarchy, nor is the allegiance due land, was followed by the 'History of the to the House of Hanover ever endangered Duke of Ormond.' In the latter work he by the historian's affection to the Stuart necessarily examined the character of cause. Without doubt, he was rather deCharles I. This production opened the sirous not to put the Treasury again to the way for a task of greater inagnitude. Feel- trouble of offering a thousand pounds for ing, in common with others, the need of lodging him in any of his Majesty's gaols. opposing a more effectual antidote to the Throughout the whole of the work, which erroneous views of Rapin, than the well- Carte continued till the year 1642, there is meant, though not profound, attempts of only one passage in which his Jacobitism Salmon, he planned his 'Society for en- creeps out, betraying the sentiments of the couraging the writing of a History of Eng- party to which he belonged. Never was land,' with the avowed view of being sup- the love of the White Rose more innocentported by such encouragement. Carte ly, some folks would say more absurdly, fully knew his ground, and the difficulties displayed.

he should have to encounter, and he went to Speaking of the right of anointing, pracwork as a man determined to overcome tised according to ancient usage, at the them. coronation, he refutes the injudicious argu

A great number of 'noblemen and gen-ments of those who rest the jurisdiction of tlemen signed an instrument, obliging the Crown in ecclesiastical matters upon themselves to contribute, the former their this ceremony, contending that such power twenty, the latter their ten guineas a year, is incident to royalty, and inherently vested towards the charges of the work and ma- in all sovereigns. Had he stopped there, terials.' The documents which our author and then taken the oaths, all would have circulated amongst his subscribers, before been excellent. Even a Whig minister he began to publish the History, entitled might have thought of him,' as the phrase A Collection of the several Papers pub-is; or his friends might have told him so. lished by Mr. Carte in relation to his His-But, unluckily, he was tempted on a little tory of England,' show how thoroughly he bit further; and he proceeds to confute had considered the subject in all its bear- another opinion, that the gift of healing the ings. A full knowledge of the contents of scrofulous humor, called the king's evil, by our own archives, many of which were then the royal touch, a belief which has furnishof difficult access, a thorough acquaintanceed an entertaining chapter in Mr. Petti

with the continental collections, a due and critical appreciation of the value of the ancient sources of information, all testify to his qualfications for the task. He received munificent support. Oxford University and five of the principal colleges appeared as

grew's very curious history of 'Medical Superstitions,' was to be attributed to the virtue imparted by the same ceremony; for,' says he, 'I myself have seen a very remarkable instance of such a cure, which could not possibly be ascribed to royal

subscribers. Prudent Cambridge wholly unction.' The individual supposed to have kept aloof; but the reserve of Alma Mater received this miraculous healing, was a was more than compensated by the solid certain Christopher Lovel, a native of Wells, patronage of the Corporation of London who, having resided at Bristol as a laborand of the opulent city companies. The er, was sorely afflicted with the disease. first volume of the 'General History of During many years, as Carte tells us, had England, by Thomas Carte, an English- he tried all the remedies which the art of man,' was worthy of the ample assistance medicine could administer, without receivthe author had obtained. His quaint de- ing benefit. An old sailor, his uncle, about nomination must be explained. Carte, to sail to Cork, received Lovel on board

though in holy orders, dared not write himself clerk, and would not write himself gentleman; he was a member of a secret and proscribed hierarchy; therefore he probably thought, that, since he could not add any designation of station, he would claim no other description save that which he derived from his country. Carte exercised

his vessel: another voyage brought him to St. Malo in the Isle of Rhé. Hence Lovel crossed the country to Paris; ultimately he reached Avignon. 'At this last place,' says Carte, 'he was touched by the eldest lineal descendant of a race of kings;' and, upon returning to his birthplace, he appeared, as people thought, entirely cured. Upon hearing this story, the first impression | the way for Hume. Being in 1752 apis, that Christopher Lovel was benefited by pointed librarian of the Faculty of Advochange of air and scene, diet and exercise, cates, an office from which he received litin the course of his long peregrinations by tle or no emolument, but which gave him

land and by sea; and any wise man, even though not a doctor, would assuredly, before he committed himself, have said, 'Let us wait awhile, and see whether the disease

the command of the largest library in Scotland, he then, as he tells us, formed the plan of writing the 'History of England;' 'but, frightened with the notion of contin

be entirely removed.' Accordingly, at no uing a narrative through a period of 1700 long period afterwards, the disease did in years, I commenced with the accession of fact reappear. Whilst the unfortunate Ja- the House of Stuart, an epoch when I cobite thus lost his cause by failing in the thought the misrepresentations of faction ordeal which he had waged, he suffered all began chiefly to take place.' Two years the odium of gaining a victory. Carte's elapsed before the appearance earance of the first enemies, and they were many in his own volume of the 'History,' containing the pecraft, took up the matter no less fiercely riod from the accession of James I. to the than as if the patient had been really and Revolution. The second followed in 1756. thoroughly healed, thereby giving the most The history of the House of Tudor was next indisputable proof of the legitimacy of the published in 1759; and the more early Pretender. Had Christopher Lovel been part, beginning, according to custom, with produced, as fresh as a rose and as sound the Druids and Julius Cæsar, was given to as an apple, at the bar of the House of the public in 1761. This retrograde proLords for the purpose of giving evidence cess is not ill adapted for the purpose of

to set aside the Act of Settlement, a louder hurly-burly could not have been raised. Pamphlets abcunded. Silvanus Urban, usually open to all parties and influenced by

giving an effective and persuasive unity: it better enables the writer to single out such results as may agree with the causes which he chooses to assign. Keen novel-readers

none, lost all fellow-feeling. Mysterious often begin with the catastrophe, in order paragraphs appeared, in which significant to judge of the conduct of the tale. A wriletters interchanged with more significant ter of history may follow an analogous plan dashes-N-j-r, P-t-r, excited all the in order to insure a striking development. horror of loyalty against the luckless T-s Hume's 'History' thus falls into three secC-e. London citizens took fright. Pur- tions, and there are diversities of execution suant to a vote of Common Council, Mr. in each. Unquestionably, the portion in Chamberlain, by order of Mr. Town, with- which Hume shows most grasp of mind is drew their subscription. Many other of the Stuart history, yet one spirit pervades Carte's supporters followed their example the whole.

from a real horror of Jacobitism; more, Previously to the appearance of the hislest they should incur suspicion of favor-tory, the Librarian, petted and favored as ing the Stuart cause thus saving at once he may have been by private friendship, their reputation and their money. Still had not manifested any ability reasonably Carte's spirit was unsubdued: he continued leading to the supposition, that he would to labor at his work. The remaining ever be numbered among the great men of

the age. Had it not been for the notoriety attached to his 'philosophical principles, no impartial observer would have anticipated that David was likely to attract the notice of posterity, amidst the crowd of gentlemen who write with ease. He had tried

volumes appeared in due succession; and, had not death arrested his pen, he would, without doubt, have completed the book to the Revolution. As before mentioned, it ends with 1642. Carte's transcripts form a very valuable and extensive collection, and are now deposited in the Bodleian, a profusion of little essays, little treatises,

where they constitute a memorial of con- little didactic dialogues upon metaphysics, scientious honesty; for though Carte did philosophy, political economy, arts and not live to complete his plans, still he fully sciences, trade, commerce, and polygamy, performed his duty towards those who sup- politics and constitutional policy, and hisported him. He brought together all the materials for the edifice, which he was bound to raise.

Such were the precursors, who with unequal qualities and success, had prepared

torical antiquities-none very brilliant. Until he became a narrator, he never discovered the means of exerting his influential powers. Hume was destined to become a magnificent performer; but he began professing upon the wrong instruments: than of recalling the recollection of our they had not sufficient compass-they want- open follies. But the Philosophical Histoed power and depth of tone: he kept hit- rian is superlatively egotistical and self-adting and hammering arias and fantasias upon the harpsichord, instead of expatiating in all the mazes of a grand concerto upon the violoncello. When he did change for the right instrument, he made it speak: and passions,' 'tragedy,' and 'taste,' appeared he took his proper place in the orchestra; before the publication of the first Stuart but of that hereafter. volume. Hume's general information, his

ulatory; he rolls and swelters in vanity. All his miscellaneous productions, excepting only his 'Natural History of Religion,' and some slight Essays upon 'the

Hume's first offering to the literary world, apparent mildness and good temper, his as we are told in 'My own Life,' was 'a gentlemanlike flow of language when he Treatise of Human Nature, being an At- was not provoked, his conversational powtempt to introduce the Experimental Meth-ers, and the general tendency of his moral od of Reasoning into moral subjects; not and philosophical essays, gained him much a very intelligible title even when, by sub- notoriety and favor in the literary circles stituting on for of, we render it somewhat and coteries at Edinburgh. Deism was more comformable to the vulgar idiom of our spreading, with exceeding rapidity, amongst language. 'Never,' adds he, 'was any lite- the more intellectual classes of the northern rary attempt more unfortunate than my capital. Philosophy became almost indisTreatise: it fell dead-born from the press, pensable for preserving literary caste. without reaching such distinction as even Free-thinking, however, was then a quasito excite a murmur among the zealots.' aristocratical luxury. It had not yet deAnd he proceeds to represent how cheer-scended to the Lord Provost and the Townfully he sustained the disappointment, and Council; and when Hume became a candi

date for the chair of Moral Philosophy, the 'zealots' having been bold enough to assert that he was an apostle of infidelity, he lost his election.

then recovered from the blow. In this auto-biographical confession, which contains two facts, the failure of the work and Hume's own conduct, there are two misrepresentations; the baby was not still-born -it was quite alive, and cried lustily, so as to excite the ogres, that is to say, the reviewers, to strangle it: an operation effect- it was instigated by the more orthodox

ually performed, in the Journal entitled 'The Works of the Learned.' In the next place, Hume, instead of submitting with stoical indifference to the loss of said baby, raged like a lioness deprived of her cub.

Such contests are usually poor tests of sound principle: however, on this occasion, the opposition was honest and sincere.

and uncompromising members of the Kirk, who really adhered in heart and life to Christianity as taught by Calvin and John Knox; and Hume hated them henceforward with his whole soul. But the 'en

Rushing into the shop of Jacob Robinson, thusiasts' constituted a minority-both a the publisher of the Review, he out with moral and a numerical minority; all the his sword and demanded satisfaction. Ja- ministry who professed liberal opinions, cob took refuge within his proper strong-valued and sought Hume's friendship. Stighold, and entrenched himself behind the matized as the propagandist of unbelief, he counter, and thus escaped being pinked was consoled, supported, protected by the after the most approved fashion. Both cordial friendship of the most distinguished parties acted very naturally-the stoical members of the Scottish establishment

philosopher in being furious at the criticism, and the bookseller in declining to become a martyr for his editor; but 'My own Life' is wholly silent about the matter. 'My own

Blair, Wallace, Drysdale, Wishart, Jardine, Home, Robertson, and Carlyle. This reverend patronage, not any ability or cleverness of the writer, gave activity to Hume's

Life,' indeed, belongs to a class of compo-venom. It removed the reproach previoussitions rarely commanding much confi-ly attached to infidelity. It at once took dence: say, one in a hundred. Autos off the interdict. Those who are the usually takes good care not to tell any tales, warmest adherents to Hume's irreligion

which, in his own conceit, would lower his repute with Heteros-not one in a thousand. In all such compositions there is a great root of self-deception. We are far more proud of confessing our secret sins,

have never dared to risk their own literary reputation by praising the talent of Hume, as evinced in the most offensive of his publications, such as the 'Natural History of Religion,' which includes the 'Bad Influfollowing curious note :

ence of Popular Religions on Morality,' the accuracies. It is now chiefly remarkable, 'Essay on Miracles,' and the 'Inquiry con- as having elicited from Hume an important cerning the Human Understanding;' and and instructive description of his peculiar when Magee ('On Atonement and Sacri- tactics. In a second edition, he added the fice,' vol. ii. p. 276) spoke of them as 'standing memorials of a heart as wicked, and a head as weak, as ever pretended to the character of philosopher and moralist, it is the harshness of the language, not the injustice of the sentiment, which can in any degree dispose us against the criticism. Deficient in any sustained argument, prolix and inconclusive, his hold upon your attention principally arises from the effort which you are constantly compelled to make, in order to follow the reasoning, which vanishes as soon as it begins to assume a defi

'An ingenious author has honored this discourse with an answer full of politeness, erudition, and good sense. So learned a refutation would have made the author suspect that his reasonings were entirely overthrown, had he not used the precaution from the beginning to keep himself on the skeptical side; and having taken this advantage of the ground, he was enabled, though with much inferior force, to preserve himself from a total defeat. That reverend gentleman will always find, where his antagonist

bal, Pharnaces against Cæsar.'

nite form. If you are an antagonist, he is so entrenched, that it will be very diffiwearies you, not by his blows, but by contin-cult to force him. Varro, in such a situaually slipping out of your grasp. Such works tion, could defend himself against Hanniwould absolutely have destroyed Hume's reputation as a philosophical reasoner, had he not been an unbeliever-had not opposition to faith been usually, in those days, considered as a primâ facie proof of a strong and vigorous mind.

But becoming afterwards aware, that this was an unguarded disclosure of the trick which gave most success to his sophistry, he omitted it, when, for a third time, he republished the essay in an octavo form.

In the large library, which, as he tells us, suggested his work, Hume wanted, like

The 'Inquiry concerning the Principles of Morals' may stand high in the scale of mediocrity. What have we in this prag- his predecessors, important materials then matic dissertation? A favorable approba- concealed in manuscript, but now familiar tion of qualities commonly favored; a dis- to every historical inquirer. Domesday, like of vices commonly odious; common- the groundwork of Anglo-Saxon and Angloplace observations brought forth with placid Norman territorial organization, was en

solemnity; obvious truths, intermixed with as obvious fallacies. Cold approbation is the utmost Hume bestows. He has no objection to the more amiable of the natural good qualities of mankind, if they trouble him not in his easy way. Without seeking

shrined in the Chapter House at Westminster, protected strictly under lock and key: rarely could the edifice be entered; if the antiquary sought to consult the treasure, thirteen shillings and fourpence of lawful money must be paid for each inspection of

to encourage any vice which might dimin- the volume; guarded so jealously that the ish the safety of society, he is apathetic finger was never allowed to wander beyond even in the cause of pagan virtue. the margin, lest the characters should sus

many other similar disadvantages, removed by more recent editorial diligence.

The best of Hume's miscellaneous pro- tain injury from the contact with unexductions are his political and constitutional chequered hands. He had to labor under essays: they are clear and sensible, and they have all the force resulting from a shrewd and tranquil intellect. He recommends himself by his disinvoltura and worldly good sense, and a due appreciation of the popular fallacies by which the multitude are deluded. These pieces have the value of slight sketches by a good artist, free and expressive, but they need finish

Such deficiencies, though they may diminish the completeness of history, are not detrimental to the literary character of the historian. Ordinary and vulgated sources will usually give all that is needed for a broad outline, which may be rendered sufficiently effective, as a test of the author's

and carrying out into compositions. The talent, with few minor details. Here are most elaborate of them is the 'Essay upon some new and unpublished materials for the Populousness of Ancient Nations.' Its the History of the Siege of Rhodes, M. reasonings received an elaborate reply from l'Abbé.' The reply of M. l'Abbé Vertot Wallace; and Gibbon, in his valuable 'Ad- -as we have it in the facetious, anecdotic versaria,' has pointed out some striking in- chapter of the French school-grammars of the last age- was, 'Mon siége est fait.' | the progress of the history; nor have we

In the case of Vertot, the answer has become a standing joke against his memory, but the point of the sarcasm is given by his general untrustworthiness. Had M. l'Abbé been faithful to the extent of his knowledge, no candid fellow-laborer would be inclined to blame him, for being content to

any means 'of visiting the fattest of epicurean hogs in his stye,' - this is Gibbon's kind phrase, explained by the ingenious index-maker as a 'jocose allusion to Mr. Hume's indolence.' The only glimpse we gain is through a story told by a late venerable Scottish crony. Some one having

work well upon a limited stock. In dis- hinted that David had neglected an author

cussing Hume's claims to be adopted as 'the guide and philosopher,' who, 'on all topics connected with our history entirely gives the law, it is therefore important to ascertain whether he employed due diligence, in studying the materials which were

ity he ought to have consulted, the old gentleman replied, -' Why, mon, David read a vast deal before he set about a piece of his book; but his usual seat was the sofa, and he often wrote with his legs up; and it would have been unco fashious to have

accessible to him, and in availing himself moved across the room when any little of the ample library, which, as he informs doubt occurred.'

us, stimulated him to his enterprise. Gib- In the absence of more precise informabon thought not: he describes Hume's tion, we must endeavor to ascertain, by interHistory as 'elegant, but superficial: ap-nal evidence, the books which Hume had by parently a slight epithet of blame, but his side, when, compiling the earlier portion which, employed by Gibbon, obtains great of his history, he worked in this somewhat intensity. Congenial, unhappily, as their American guise. It has been ably shown opinions might be in some respects, no two by the most competent judge amongst our literary characters could be more distinct. contemporaries (Ed. Rev. vol. liii. p. 15),

Hume's historical Muse is dressed à la Pompadour: she is so painted that you never see her true complexion, you never get deeper than the rouge and the fard. Hume, in his best moods, only fluttered about the truth; never sought to know it. Gibbon sought to know the truth; but for the pur

that, from Carte, Hume borrowed not only the arrangement of events but the structure of his expressions, giving, however, the color of his own thought and style to the narration, and occasionally verifying Carte's statement by referring to his quotations. Hume made nearly as much use of Tyrrell,

pose of wickedly and perfidiously pervert- balancing the narratives of the two historiing it. Yet how admirable was the talent ans, wisely availing himself of the hints given exerted by Gibbon, in hostility to the Power by Whig and Tory. Brady was his prinby whom the gift was bestowed-his nice cipal help for constitutional information. sense of the due subordination of the differ- Original sources were occasionally consultent branches, into which he divided his ed by him, though very uncritically and studies; the good sense which taught him sparingly; some of considerable importance to intersperse them amidst each other, so are wholly passed by: for example, the

varied as to relieve the mind, and yet so anonymous life of Richard II. published by continuous as not to distract attention to Hearne. The reason is obvious; Carte slacken the bow, but never leave it un- unaccountably neglected it, therefore Hume strung! His constant vigilance to improve was ignorant of the book's existence. every opportunity-recovering his Greek, Hume may have turned over the leaves of to the sound of the fife and the tattoo, when the chroniclers, but he never rendered them on duty at Devizes; placing Homer in par- the object of study, and never distinguished allel with the verse of Pope and the geogra- between primary and secondary authorities. phy of Strabo; comparing the returned Of Church history he knew absolutely nonumbers of the establishment of the Berk- thing. Slight references to the imperfect

shire militia, with its actual rank and file, 560 nominal and 273 effective, and hence drawing his inferences respecting the real magnitude of the armies commemorated in history.

Hume, at least in the papers which have been published, abstains from affording us any similar information. 'My own Life' is silent concerning my own studies during

English Concilia by Spelman, testify his ignorance or neglect of the more complete edition which we owe to Wilkins; a book which, a quarter of a century ago, was estimated as waste paper, but which now is worth more pounds than it was then worth shillings. Hume was entirely unacquainted with any of the ample collections, in which the transactions of the Church are recorded.