that the goods of an enemy, carried under a neutral flag, shall be treated as neutral; nies that are so industriously propagated against them? Their object, their only object, is the restoration of the British that neutral property under the flag of Constitution to its original purity and per- an enemy shall be treated as hostile ;-that fection; they are no innovators, no spe- arms and warlike stores alone (to the exculative theorists, they only require what clusion of ship-timber and other articles of their ancestors enjoyed and transmitted to naval equipment) shall be regarded as conthem as their birth-right and best inhe- traband of war;-and that no ports shall ritance, the British Constitution, the whole be considered as lawfully blockaded, exConstitution, and nothing but the Con- cept such as are invested and besieged, in stitution; and they have a right to expect the presumption of their being taken [en that every true Englishman, every sincere prevention d'etre pris], and into which a well-wisher to his country, should counte- merchant-ship cannot enter without danger. nance, aid, and support them in their By these and other demands, the eneefforts to obtain so invaluable a possession, the pursuit of which they never will relinquish, but will steadily and firmly adopt every constitutional measure that is calculated to ensure them the attainment of their undoubted right, without being "hurried "into faction and licentiousness on the one "hand, or being intimidated into a pusil"lanimous indifference and criminal sub"mission on the other;" but will assert their claims in that bold and manly manuer that becomes freemen, conscious that the protection of the liberty of England is a duty which they owe to themselves, who enjoy it; to their ancestors, who transmitted it down; and to their posterity, who will claim it at their hands,-the best birthright and noblest inheritance of mankind. my in fact requires, that Great Britain and all civilized nations shall renounce, at his arbitrary pleasure, the ordinary and indisputable rights of maritime war; that Great Britain, in particular, shall forego the advantages of her naval superiority, and allow the commercial property, as well as the produce and manufactures of France and her confederates, to pass the ocean in security, whilst the subjects of Great Britain are to be in effect proscribed from all commercial intercourse with other nations; and the produce and manufactures of these realms are to be excluded from every country in the world to which the arms or the influence of the enemy can extend.- -Such are the demands to which the British Government is summoned to submit to the abandonment of its most ancient, essential, and undoubted maritime rights. Such is the code by which France hopes, under cover of a neutral flag, to render her commerce unassailable by sea; whilst she proceeds to invade or to incorporate with her own dominions all States that hesitate to sacrifice their national interests at her command, and, in abdication of their just rights, to adopt a code, by which they are required to exclude, under the mask of municipal regulation, whatever is British from their dominions. The pretext for these extravagant demands is, that some of these principles were adopted by voluntary compact in the Treaty of Utrecht; as if a Treaty once existing between two particular countries founded on special and reciprocal considerations, binding only on the contracting parties, and which in the last treaty of peace between the same powers, had not been revived, were to be regarded as declaratory of the public law of nations. (Continued from page 736.) vagant; and he farther announces the penalties of those Decrees to be in full force against all nations which shall suffer their flag to be, as it is termed in this new code, "denationalized."In addition to the disavowal of the blockade of May, 1806, and of the principles on which that block-It is needless for His Royal Highness to ade was established, and in addition to the demonstrate the injustice of such pretenrepeal of the British Orders in Council, he sions. He might otherwise appeal to the demands an admission of the principles, practice of France herself, in this and in former wars, and to her own established" be wholly and absolutely revoked; and codes of maritime law it is sufficient that" farther, that the full benefit of this Orthese new demands of the enemy form a "der shall be extended to any ship or wide departure from those conditions on "vessel captured subsequent to such auwhich the alleged repeal of the French "thentic act of repeal of the French DeDecrees was accepted by America, and" crees, although, antecedent to such reupon which alone, erroneously assuming" peal, such ship or vessel shall have that repeal to be complete, America has " commenced, and shall be in the proseclaimed a revocation of the British Orders "cution of a voyage, which, under the in Council.-His Royal Highness, upon a re" said Orders in Council, or one of them, view of all these circumstances, feels persuad-" would have subjected her to capture and ed, that so soon as this formal declaration," condemnation; and the claimant of any by the Government of France, of its un- "ship or cargo which shall be captured at abated adherence to the principles and pro66 any time subsequent to such authentic visions of the Berlin and Milan Decrees, "act of repeal by the French Government, shall be made known in America, the Go- shall, without any farther order or devernment of the United States, actuated "claration on the part of His Majesty's not less by a sense of justice to Great Bri- "Government on this subject, be at libertain, than by what is due to its own dig-"ty to give in evidence in the High Court nity, will be disposed to recal those mea- "of Admiralty, or any Court of Vicesures of hostile exclusion, which, under a "Admiralty, before which such ship or misconception of the real views and con- "vessel, or its cargo, shall be brought duct of the French Government, America" for adjudication, that such repeal by the has exclusively applied to the commerce "French Government had been by such and ships of war of Great Britain.-To" authentic act promulgated prior to such accelerate a result so advantageous to the "capture; and upon proof thereof, the true interests of both countries, and so con- 66 voyage shall be deemed and taken to ducive to the re-establishment of perfect" have been as lawful as if the said Orders friendship between them; and to give a "in Council had never been made; savdecisive proof of His Royal Highness's dis-"ing nevertheless to the captors such proposition to perform the engagements of His" tection and indemnity as they may be Majesty's Government, by revoking the" equitably entitled to, in the judgment of Orders in Council, whenever the French" the said Court, by reason of their ignoDecrees shall be actually and uncondition- "rance or uncertainty as to the repeal of ally repealed; His Royal Highness the "the French Decrees, or of the recognition Prince Regent has been this day pleased," of such repeal by His Majesty's Governin the name and on the behalf of His" ment, at the time of such capture.Majesty, and by and with the advice of" His Royal Highness, however, deems it His Majesty's Privy Council, to order and proper to declare, that, should the redeclare;-"That if at any time hereafter "peal of the French decrees, thus antici"the Berlin and Milan Decrees shall, by "pated and provided for, afterwards prove "some authentic act of the French Go-to have been illusory on the part of the 66 vernment, public promulgated, be ex- enemy; and should the restrictions "pressly and unconditionally repealed," thereof be still practically enforced, or "then, and from thenceforth, the Order" revived by the enemy, Great Britain "in Council of the 7th day of January," will be obliged, however reluctantly, "1807, and the Order in Council of the "after reasonable notice to Neutral Pow26th day of April, 1809, shall, with- ers, to have recourse to such measures of "out any farther order, be, and the same "retaliation as may then appear to be just "hereby are declared from thenceforth, to " and necessary." Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent-Garden. VOL. XXI. No. 25.] LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 20, 1812. "The Devil was sick; the Devil a Monk would be. [Price 1s. against the grasping attempts of secret "Advisers in former days; and it is only 66 by their united energy that we can now "hope to see an end put to the favouritism But, my Lord, for what obict, with what end in view, is the union lere spoken of to take place? To put down 66 secret On the 28th of March last, I took the " that will otherwise work our ruin in the liberty to address a letter to your lordship" present day." This would seem to inupon those occurrences, which had just dicate, that the people are, by your party, then shut you and your party out of the pale to be now regarded as something; that of power. In that letter I said several their support is necessary to those whe things, which I shall now have to remind would resist a ministry or a court; that you of; but, I was particularly anxious to this is not to be accomplished by the pere impress upon your mind this truth; name- boroughmongers themselves; and that hese ly, that the cause of your exclusion from latter are formidable only when they act in power then was, the want of popularity, concert with a ministry. and that that want had arisen from your not having expressed yourself in favour of a Parliamentary Reform, without which no man, be he who he may, will ever again" advisers" and "favouries?" Really, be really popular. The main object of my Lord, this does appear to me to be that letter, as well, indeed, as of all that I little better than mere lk, mere words, wrote upon the subject of "THE NEW mere noise. Who ae these secret ad"ERA," was to convince my readers, and visers? Why are they not named? They the heads of great families in particular, have names, I suppose, as well as other that, to obtain, in spite of court influ- people? We are called upon by this ence, Parliamentary Reform, to restore writer to make a stand; but, against what? the liberty and safety of the country with-" Against the grasping attempts of secret out the desperate remedy of revolution," advisers! This means nothing; or, at there must be a cordial union between the least, we do not know what it means. Great Families and the People. I, how do not see any thing grasped by secret adever, did not express any expectation of visers. We feel the weight of the taxes; seeing such an union; on the contrary, at we see immense sums given to placemen the close of my letter to you (page 400), I and others; but all this is done openly observed, that I did not believe, that the enough. There is no secret as to the graspgreat families would join in calling for Re-ings of the family of Seymour any more form; or, in other words, that they would give up that which they withheld from the people; and, upon this ground I expressed my wish, that even Lawyer Perceval might retain his power. Another chance has now been afforded you by the death of this person; and the same cause has again shut you out. Upon this latter occasion, the Morning Chronicle, the organ of your party, seems If, as the former part of the article here to have come round to my doctrine; for, quoted would seem to insinuate, the proon the 12th of June, in announcing to the posed union be intended to have Parliapublic that your party had been foiled, that mentary Reform amongst its objects, the print makes this observation:-" It was case is different, and what is said by the "by the cordial union of the great families Morning Chronicle about this union be"with the body of the people, that an effec- comes of importance. The writer says: "tual stand was made by our Ancestors" Our readers will see that Mr. Wortley, We than as to those of the family of Grenville, or of Perceval, or of Fitzroy, or of Beresford, or of any of the rest upon the list. To talk, therefore, of an union of the Great Families with the people, in order to put a stop to secret graspings, seents to me to have very little sense in it, unless, indeed, it be intended to hoodwink the people. 66 amounts. With regard to the Household, that is to say, the great officers of show about the person of the Regent, it is an object in which the people are not at all interested, any farther than that their feelings towards him might be wished to be such as to in "instead of following up the clear meaning " be profaned; that no interruption might "and letter of the resolution of the 21st" be given to the plan of barrack-building; "May, made a motion last night, which," that no encroachment might be made on "if it had been digested by Lord Liverpool" the Royal Patronage; that no reform "himself, could not have been more suit- "might be hazarded in the representation; "able to his views, nor more favourable and, finally, that no relaxation of the dis"to his interests. The aim and end of all" abilities on religious dissenters should "the intrigues which have occupied the "take place." He says, and he wishes "Court of Carlton House for so many the public to believe, that it was in order "weeks have been obtained. The vote of to prevent these salutary changes that the "the House of Commons has been frus-old Cabinet were kept in, to your and Lord "trated, and a feeble Cabinet of Ministers Grenville's exclusion; he says, and he evi"ready to make every sacrifice to their dently intends to make the public believe "Protector, have been retained, in order" this; and, therefore, he clearly means to "that the Household might not be pro- convey the opinion, that, if you had come "faned; that no interruption might be into power, these changes would have taken "given to the plan of barrack-building; place. Let me, then, inquire a little into "that no encroachment might be made on the grounds, upon which he makes this "royal patronage; no reform hazarded in assertion; for to an assertion it manifestly "the representation; and finally, that no "elaxation of the disabilities on religious "desenters should take place. The Secret "Advisers of the Prince Regent have suc"ceeded in their plan; they have triumph"ed for the moment. But we trust they "have at he same time opened the nation's 68 eyes to lie character of the new era;duce them to like to see about him persons "and that they will now be able to judge of his own choice. The Royal Patronage "correctly of the views of the Secret Ad- is another point which does not affect the "visers on the ote side, and of the Leaders people, who may well doubt of the mean" of Opposition on the other. All the ing of the phrase; and, if it means the givgross insinuations against Lords Greying away of places, what is the difference "and Grenville, and their friends, must to them, whether the places be given by "now be retracted, as the public have had the Regent or by the ministry? The reli"an opportunity of perceiving the firm, gious disabilities on dissenters are, indeed, "manly, and constitutional spirit with of consequence; but, I am yet to learn "which they have acted. At no time, that you proposed to take them away. "even in the brightest period of English That you meant to do something to gratify "history, has a nobler sland, or a clearer the Roman Catholics, and that, as far as it "demonstration of public integrity been went, it was good, I allow; but, as I have "made, than that which has been displayed always said, that which has been called "by all the body of men who act together catholic emancipation, would, of itself, be upon principle, in opposition to the sys- nothing at all. To remove, indeed, all the "tem of Carlton House." Now, my Lord, disabilities of all the dissenters would be a I must confess, that I see nothing "noble" great and glorious measure; but, this is a in the stand that was made by you and Lord measure that you have never even talked Grenville, unless it be noble to make a of; and, therefore, my Lord, the people stand for patronage, and for the securing of see little that they have lost, in this respect, such votes as those given in the House of by your being kept out of place. The BarCommons. But, I shall return to this part rack Building is a matter of great conseof the subject, when I have noticed the quence. Amongst all the Acts even of more important points touched upon in this Lawyer Perceval, the Mary-le-bone Barrack project was, I verily believe, the most hateful; and the manner in which he spoke of the use of the new Barrack was calculated to render it still more so. It appeared to be with him the passing of the Rubicon. But, my Lord, I find nothing in any of the documents, lately published, relative to the negociations for place; I find 66 article. The chief object of the writer appears to have been to persuade the public, that, if your party had come into power, there would have been a change of measures for the better. This is very clear, because he says, that the cabinet have been retained, in order that the Household might not nothing in them to encourage me to believe, | Morning Chronicle has asserted, that the that your party had any dislike to the Bar-old Cabinet have been kept in, in order that rack System; nor was there, during the de- no reform may be made in the representabate on the subject, any expression dropped tion. I should be glad to know upon what from your party hostile to that system, so ground he has sent this assertion forth to scowling in its looks towards the liberties the world. Has he heard your Lordship of England. Your party objected to the say, that if you had come in, you would intended barrack and depot (which would, have brought forward the measure of Reindeed, have been a species of citadel) upon form? I have not seen, nor heard of, any the score, not of its menacing aspect, not thing of the sort. If it had been your inof its hostility to freedom; but, on the tention to bring forward such a measure, score of its expense; and, indeed, it was surely we should, during the long negociabut too evident, that no small part of their tions for place, have seen some traces of it. opposition to the measure arose from their We hear of every thing else; we hear of a desire to mortify the Prince, and to cause it bargain about a vigorous war in Spain and to be believed, that the intended depot had Portugal, which is already vigorous enough been less a project of the ministry than a to cost us 20 millions a year; we hear of measure assented to by them, in order to a something to be done for Roman gratify his wishes. When, therefore, SIR Catholics in high life; we hear of a FRANCIS BURDETT, whose hostility was to most gallant fight made by you and Lord the system, and who was not, therefore, Grenville for the patronage of the Regent's satisfied with complaining of the mere ex- Household; and upon this ground we see pense; who, when it was a question of you, at last, decline to come to the aid of erecting a sort of citadel on the skirts of the your distressed country; but, amidst all city inhabited by its constituents, could not this, not a word do we hear about a Reform think of talking about the pecuniary cost of of the Parliament; not a word, not a single the undertaking; when he came to deliver word do we hear about this, or, indeed, his sentiments, and to put in his solemn about any thing else to be done for the peo protest against the Barrack system generally, ple, who appear never to have been thought and against the employment of soldiers in of by you from the first to the last. Why, the ways mentioned by him; when he came then, are we now told, that the Oid Cabinet to do this, your party soon took care to are kept in for the purpose of preventing make it known, that they did not agree us from having a reform the Parliament? with him; that they had no objection to It is now, when your party are flung out; the system; that, on the contrary, they ap- when they are baffle'; when they are crest proved of it; and, one of them (Mr. Bar- fallen; when they are sick and feeble; ham) went so far as to say, that though he and, like the evil, when he was sick (as had come down to the House for the pur- the legend says), they have the fit of pose of voting against the Mary-le-bone righteo-ness on them; they now talk of Depot, he had a great mind to vote for it, refon; they now would fain have us beon account of its having becu pposed upon such grounds by Francis Burdett Barracks, therefore: at Upon the scoBarrack system and the use of is to savin the country, the had nopeople sofig at all to expect from your party, who, indeed, (and it never ought to be forgotten) applauded the employment of the Horse Soldiers against Sir Francis Burdett, and who "rallied round the minister" upon that memorable occasion; aye, round that very same minister, who lived to propose the new Depot, and who, as a reason for the establishment, cited the utility of the Life Guards when employed against the representative of the City of West minster. But, the great point of all is that of Reform. And, I should be glad to know, my Lord, upon what ground the Editor of the ve that they would have given us that blessing, if they had come into power; but, they will deceive nobody; they have deceived the people once, and it is not in their power to do it again. Not only have we no security for their proposing a reform, but we have as good a security as we can have for their opposing it, if it were proposed by any body else. Mr. Ponsonby did, indeed, give his vote for Mr. Brand's motion on the 9th of May last; but, then, he gave it in such a way, with so many qualifications, and with such reserve as to the future, that his vote was harm rather than good; while Mr. Elliot and Lord Milton and Mr. Ward, three of your party, stood foremost in the ranks to oppose the motion, and to speak in terms the most contumelious of the claims of the reformers; so that, at the close of the debate, the little |