The House divided. For the bringing in of the Bill, 73. Against it, 26. Majority, 47. OFFICIAL PAPERS. FRANCE.-Reports laid before the Conservative Senate on the 10th of March, 1812. I. Report of the Duke of Bassano, Minister for Foreign Affairs to his Majesty the Emperor and King, relative to the Conlinental System. to the same laws as those of the Thames. It was in 1806 she began the execution of that system, which tended to bend the common law of nations before the Orders of Council, and the regulations of the London Admiralty. The declaration of the 16th of May annihilated by one single word the rights of all maritime states,— placed under au interdict vast coasts and whole empires. From this moment England no longer acknowledged any neutrals upon the seas.- -The Decrees of 1807 imposed upon every vessel the obligation of touching at an English port, whatever her destination might be, to pay a tribute to England, and submit her cargo to the tariffs of the customs.- -By the declaration of 1806, all navigation had been interdicted to neutrals: by the Decrees of 1807, the power of navigating was restored to them; but they could use it only for the common utility of English commerce, in the combinations of its interests and its people.The English Government thus tore off the mask with which it had covered its projects, proclaimed the universal dominion of the seas,--regarded all nations as its tributaries,---and imposed upon the Continent the expenses of the war which it maintained against it.These unheard of measures excited a general indignation among the Powers who preserved the sentiment of their independence and their rights; but in London they raised the national pride to the highest pitch; they held out to the English people a future prospect, rich in the most brilliant hopes. Their commerce, their industry, were henceforth to be without opposition; the produce of the two worlds was to flow into their ports---pay homage to the maritime and commercial sovereignty of England, by paying tribute, Sire, The maritime rights of neutrals, as solemnly fixed by the treaty of Utrecht, became the common law of nations. This law, completely renewed in all subsequent treaties, has consecrated the principles which I am going to state. The flag covers the merchandise. Enemy's goods, under a neutral flag, are neutral; as neutral property, under an enemy's flag, is considered as belonging to an enemy.- -Contraband articles are the only property which a neutral flag does not cover; and arms and warlike stores alone are contraband.All visiting of a neutral vessel by an armed ship can be made by a small number of men only, the armed ship keeping without cannon shot.—Every neutral ship may trade from an enemy's port to an enemy's port, and from an enemy's port to a neutral one.The only ports excepted are those really blockaded; and ports really blockaded are those invested, besieged, likely to be taken, and into which a merchantman could not enter without danger. Such are the obligations of belligerents towards neutral powers; such are the reciprocal rights of either party; such are the maxims consecrated by those treaties which form the public fight of nations. Frequently has and afterwards arrive to other nations, England dared to attempt substituting in loaded with the enormous expenses from their place arbitrary and tyrannical regula- which English merchandises alone would tions. Her unjust pretensions were repell- be free.Your Majesty, at a single ed by all Governments sensible to the voice glance, perceived the evils with which the of honour, and the interests of their sub- Continent was threatened. You instantly jects. She constantly found herself forced applied the remedy. You annihilated by to acknowledge in her treaties the principles your decrees this pompous, unjust attack she wished to destroy; and when the peace upon the independence of every state and of Amiens was violated, the maritime le- the rights of all nations.- -The Berlin gislation still remained upon its ancient ba- decree answered the declaration of 1806. sis. By a series of events, the English The blockade of the British Islands was marine became more numerous than all the opposed to the imaginary blockade estabforces of the other maritime powers. Eng-lished by England. The Milan decree anland then thought the moment was arrived when, having nothing to fear, she might dare to do every thing: she immediately resolved to subject the navigation of all seas swered the orders of 1807: it declared denationalisé every neutral vessel that submitted to English legislation, either by touching at a British port, or paying tribute to England, and which thus renounced the butes it would have paid her industry. independence and rights of its flag. All Her manufacturing towns are become demerchandise proceeding either from British serts; distress has succeeded a prosperity commerce or industry, was blockaded in the hitherto increasing; the alarming disapBritannic islands: the continental system pearance of money, and the absolute want banished them from the continent.---Never of employment, daily disturb the public did any act of reprisals attain its object in tranquillity. Such have been to England a more prompt, certain, and victorious the consequences of her imprudent attempts. manner. The Berlin and Milan decrees She already perceives, and will daily more turned against England the arms she had and more discover, that there is no salvadirected against universal commerce. That tion for her, but in a return to justice, and source of commercial prosperity which she to the principles of the rights of Nations; believed so abundant, became a source of and that she can only participate in the becalamities to British commerce: in place of nefit of the neutrality of ports, inasmuch as those tributes which were to have enriched she allows neutrals to benefit by the neuthe treasury, her credit was deteriorated, trality of their flag. But till the British hurting the fortune of the state and that of Orders of Council are rescinded, and the individuals- -As soon as your Majesty's principles of the treaty of Utrecht towards decrees appeared, all the Continent foresaw neutrals are again in full vigour, the Berlin that such would be their result if they re- and Milan decrees will remain against those ceived full execution; but, however accus- powers who allow their flag to be denationtomed Europe was to see success crown your alised. The ports of the Continent shall enterprises, she could scarcely conceive by not be open either to denationalised flags, what new prodigies your Majesty would re- or British merchandise.It must not be alize the great designs which have been so dissembled, that to maintain in full vigour rapidly accomplished. Your Majesty arin- this grand system, it will be necessary that ed yourself with all your power: nothing your Majesty employ all the powerful could divert you from your intention; Hol- means which belong to your empire; and land, the Hanseatic towns, the coasts that find in your subjects that assistance, which unite the Zuyderzee to the Baltic sea, were you have never yet in vain demanded of united to France, and subjected to the same them. It is necessary that all the disposaadministration and same regulations,-the ble French forces should march to whatimmediate and inevitable consequence of ever places the English or denationalised the legislation of the English Government. flag attempt to land. A special army, No kind of considerations could balance in charged exclusively with guarding our vast the mind of your Majesty the first interest extent of coasts, our maritime arsenals, and of your Empire.You did not long wait the triple range of fortresses which cover to reap the advantages of this important re- our frontiers, will answer to your Majesty solution. In fifteen months, that is to say, for the safety of the territory confided to since the Senatus Consulium of reunion, their valour and fidelity. You will send your Majesty's decrees have weighed with to their fortunate destiny those brave men all their force upon England. She flattered accustomed to fight and to conquer under herself with invading the commerce of the the eyes of your Majesty,---to defend the entire world; and her commerce, become a political rights, and exterior safety of the speculation, does nothing but by means of empire. The depots even of the corps will 20,000 licenses, delivered each year. For-not be turned from the useful destination ced to obey the law of necessity, she thus of supporting your active armies. The renounces her act of navigation, the princi- forces of your Majesty will thus always be pal foundation of her power. She pretend-maintained upon the most formidable footed to the universal dominion of the seas: ing, and the French territory protected by and navigation is interdicted,-her vessels an establishment which interest dictates; shut out from all the continental ports. She wished to enrich her treasury by the tributes which Europe would pay; and Europe has not only freed itself from her unjust pretensions, but also from the tri the policy and dignity of the empire will be placed in such a situation, as to entitle it more than ever to deserve the title of inviolable and sacred. (To be continued.) Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent-Garden. VOL. XXI. No. 15.] LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 11, 1812. 449] At SUMMARY OF POLITICS. FOREIGN MERCENARY TROOPS. page 369, that is to say, in the 12th Number of this present volume, I closed the discussion of this subject, as far as related to the legality of employing these mercenaries; and, I then signified my intention of discussing the expediency of doing it; which intention I am now about to fulfil. -We are not, upon this occasion, speaking of the Foreign Corps so much as of the foreign Officers set to command our native troops. And, what has been said by any one to shew the expediency of this? What has been said, or what can be said, to shew the expediency of employing Germans to command English regiments or English counties? Is there such a scarcity of native Officers in England? No; for we have, as I stated before, about 4,000 Of ficers upon half-pay, great numbers of whom are begging to be employed. Are not these as worthy of employment as the Germans? Are they not as likely to shew courage and fidelity in the service of their country? One would think, that we were in great want of General Officers, at any rate, when we see the Germans put into the command of districts of our country; for, I repeat, that, in the last Army List, published by authority, Baron Linsingen is still stated to be the second in command in the five counties, composing the Eastern District of England. One would suppose, seeing this, that Generals, at any rate, were extremely scarce amongst us; that we had not a sufficiency of military officers of high rank; and that we were glad to catch at this German Baron to afford us his skill in taking care of five of our counties.Yet, we should fall into a great error here; for, though this country abounds in many things; though it does greatly abound in tin, copper, and coals, it certainly abounds more in Generals, an article of which it has a greater abundance even than of sinecure placemen. We have, according to the Army List, published by authority, 2 Field Marshals, 82 Generals, 178 Lieutenant Generals, 300 Major Generals, making together 562 General Officers, besides the Brigadier Generals, which are, probably, [Price 1s. [450 equal in number to all the rest put together. However, leaving the Brigadiers out, here we have 562 Generals! More, I'll engage, than Buonaparté has. He talk of his army, indeed! What is his army; what is his pitiful army to one which has 562 permanent General Officers? Supposing our army to consist of 300,000 fighting men (including the Embodied Militia), this gives us a General Officer to every 533 men. What do you think of that, little Corsican? A General Officer to every 533 men! A permanent General Officer to every half of a battalion! Besides Brigadier Generals, if we were to include whom, we should, I dare say, have a General Officer to every 2 or 300 men. And, yet the French have the impudence and the folly to say, that we are not a military people; that we are unable to meet them in the field. Empty fellows! Where will they look, in their army, for 562 General Officers ?But, if we are thus strong in military rank; if we have a body of Generals, making, in point of numbers, half a battalion; if we are so rich in military skill as to be able to send forth a General to every 2 or 300 men; with almost every escort or picquet; if such be our state, we, surely, do not stand in need of foreign Generals to command our counties here, at home, in the very heart of England. Surely, out of the 562 Generals whom we have of our own, one might have been found worthy of being employed in the place of Baron Linsingen. Surely one out of this long number might have been found as worthy as he to inspect and review English regiments of Militia with English gentlemen (gentle, indeed!) at their head. Surely, it was not necessary to employ a German in this capacity. Surely the Eastern counties of England might have found in our long list of native Generals some one able to fill the place that he now fills.And, as to officers of inferior rank; as to those who are set over regiments and battalions and companies, we have little short of 20,000 of them! We have a commissioned Officer, I believe, to about every seven effective private men. In short, we are rich, beyond all comparison in commissioned officers. The French Q talk of their great ariny, indeed: why, we have an army, and a good stout army too, of Commissioned Officers. I have, with as much care as I have been able to bestow upon it, counted all the names in the Army List, and I make them amount to upwards of 25,000. Twenty-five thousand gentlemen in arms, Buonaparte, think of that! But, then, is not this abundance of officers is not this wealth in military commanders a pretty good argument against the employing of foreigners to command our regiments, battalions and companies? We have but about 200 battalions, including Militia, or, say 250, of all sorts; so that, we have, at this rate not less than 100 Commissioned Officers to each battalion! Good heavens! and must we import officers? Have we not enough of native growth? Must we send to Germany for officers to command our men? Cannot we Find out, amongst all these thousands of arative officers, enough to intrust with the command of their countrymen? If so, what a pretty spectacle do we exhibit to Buonaparte?I hold, then, that we have officers enough of our own; quite plenty. I hold, that we have more commissioned officers, and especially more General Officers; more officers of high rank; and, of course, more officers of great skill, than Buonaparté has; and, this being the case, I should be glad if any one would point out to me a sufficient reason for the employing of foreigners as commissioned officers.It was said by Lord Palmerston, that we ought to look at Buonaparte and see what he did in this way. "Did "not he force the Spaniards into Denmark, "and the Italians and Germans into Spain? Did he not make the countries he conquered the chief instruments of further conquests? To follow his example, or, indeed, to act with prudence in the pre"sent state of Europe, we, too, should not refuse the aid of foreigners, especially of those who have a common cause with ❝ us."-This does not at all apply to what was objected to by Lord Folkestone; for, it was of employing foreign officers to command Englishmen, and not the employing of foreign soldiers to fight the French that he had been complaining. However, let us see a little what is here said about folJowing the example of Buonaparte; and we shall find, I believe, that his example is not followed by us.We are told, that he forced the Spaniards into Denmark, and that he has forced the Italians and Germans into Spain. Do we force these foreigners, then? No. Then we do not, in this regard, follow Buonaparte's example. But, reader, what an idea is this! What a ridiculous idea is this; that Napoleon forced, that he was able to force, a Spanish army to go to Denmark; that is to say, to march out of Spain; to march all across Europe, and that, too, under the command of that distinguished patriot, the Marquis de la Romana! And then to force the people in Germany and Italy to march across Eu rope in another direction to go into Spain to fight, and to conquer, in the Provinces of Spain! The feats of the Prince of the powers of the air does not come up to the feats of this man!- -But, he makes, it seems, the countries he has conquered assist him in new conquests. Aye, my Lord Palmerston, this is quite another thing! The people whom he has conquered are his subjects, as much as the people in Guadaloupe are the subjects of our king. I should have no objection to employing troops of this sort. Troops of conquered countries. would not be foreign troops. When you can shew me, that it is troops of conquered countries that we are employing, I shall be easy; but this is what you cannot shew me; for we have conquered no countries that produce troops.Therefore, we do not follow the example of the Emperor of France; there is no similarity between his proceedings, in this respect, and those of our government. The officers as well as men, employed by Napoleon, are his subjects; they are not foreigners; they owe him allegiance; and have no temptation to betray him; and, as to the Spaniards employed by him in the North of Europe, they were auxiliaries, they were paid by their own government, and were not mercenaries hired and paid by him. But, in fact, all this is beside the question, which relates to the employing of foreign Officers to command English troops and English counties. To make it out, therefore, that we imitate the example of Buonaparté, it must be shown, that he puts foreigners to command French troops and French Departments; and this, I believe, no one will attempt to show. No one, bold as he may be, will attempt to hazard an assertion, that this is the fact. If it can be shown, that foreigners, and foreign mercenaries too, are set over Frenchmen, and set to command on the staff in the Departments of France, then I shall allow, that the example of Buonaparte has been followed by our government; but, until then I shall allow no such thing.—Mr. ought to be intrusted with the command of any portion of our country; whether such a man ought to be employed upon the Staff in this kingdom; whether such a man ought to be set over Englishmen to command them, and that, too, in their own country? An English General may, it is true, be displaced by the sole will of the government; he may be stripped of his office, his rank, and his pay, without even a court-martial. But then, he is in his own country; he is amongst his friends and his countrymen ; he has a resource; he cannot be utterly ruined and sent to wander over the face of the earth; or, perhaps, driven into the hands of him against whom he has been serving, who claims him as his subject, and who is prepared to punish him accordingly. Here, therefore, is another powerful reason for not employing these men et all, but especially for not employing thei Perceval denied, that Frenchmen, except by | mere accident, were enlisted from the prisons to serve in our army. But, did he not perceive, that Italians, Brabanters, Dutchmen, and some Germans, might be the subjects of Napoleon or his allies as well as Frenchmen? Or, did he mean to consider, that the people conquered by Napoleon owed him no allegiance? Lord Palmerston seemed, at any rate, to view the matter in a different light; for, as an objection to the return of the names of the foreign officers serving in our native regiments, he observed, "that many of them "had connexions abroad who might be "brought into jeopardy;" meaning, of course, that their relations were in the countries under the sway of Napoleon. This might be true; it, undoubtedly, was true; but, did my Lord Palmerston perceive what a stab this was to his own argument in defence of employing these peo-in the command of English troops and Engple? For, if their relations and estates lish counties.It is said, that the num(if they have any) be in the power of Na- ber of these officers is few, and that they poleon, is it to be expected, that they, in are scattered about amongst a great many an hour of trial, will hazard their lives corps. But, why any at all? When a into the bargain in opposing him! If the thing is wrong in its nature, the degree is danger to their families be such that it is no justification. Besides, what assurance improper to make known their names, what have we that the number will not increase? is to be expected from them in the way of It is only about seven years since these peohostility to him, if an hour of great peril ple were first brought into the country; should arrive? If they be afraid to have and, they have already, as we have seen, their names known to him, what must be got possession of a very considerable portheir fears to oppose him in a desperate tion of the command. Baron Linsingen is manner? This was one of the objections, second in command in the Eastern District; which, in my defence against Gibbs's his son is an Aide de Camp in that District. speech, I urged against employing these The Baron de Montalembert is Assistant men. I said, that Buonaparte was in po- Quarter Master General in the Sussex Dissession of their country; that he, or histrict;-in which capacity, observe, he ought brother, was the sovereign of their country by conquest; and, that they must well know, that the way of ensuring exclusion for ever from that country was to oppose him with zeal and courage which notion perfectly corresponds with that of Lord Palmerston. Then, on the other hand, what is the situation of these men, with re-long to any foreign corps, though he has gard to our government? Why, that government may send them, or any of them, out of the country under the Alien Act, at a moment's warning! Yes, Baron Linsingen, at the very moment that he was re-able instance is that of Buron W. Twyll, viewing the regiments of English militia in who, in the Gazette of 13th of February the Eastern District, might have been last, was appointed Lieutenant Colonel of seized by a King's Messenger, or Police Of the 25th Regiment of Light Dragoons, ficer, and taken to Harwich and shipped off without purchase. This Baron Twyll was to the continent; or, at least, compelled to Major in the 7th Light Dragoons, in which ship himself off to some foreign country Lord Paget is Colonel, and was allowed to without delay.Now; I put it to the exchange into the Corsican Rangers, by reader, whether any man thus situated, which he must have gained, i supposey to be well acquainted with the survey of the coast, and ought to know all the roads, and the country, and every thing appertaining to the landing or moving an army in that most exposed part of the Island. Now, has this man brought us any soldiers with him? He does not, I believe, even be the rank of Lieutenant Colonel. Where, then, can have been the reason for putting him in this post of great trust and of dangerous knowledge?- Another remark |