also for an Account of the sums expended by the commissioners for reducing the National Debt, during the same period. His object in making this motion was, to bring under one view the manner in which the funds had been raised for carrying on the present war, both in taxes and by way of loan, which he thought peculiarly desirable during the discussion which was likely to take place on those points, directly or indirectly, in consequence of the Bill brought in last night. He begged leave also to take that opportunity of correcting a misrepresentation which had gone abroad of what had fallen from him last night, and which he was induced to do, not from any importance that could be attached to his opinions, but because the expressions ascribed to him were of a nature to affect the public credit. It had been stated that he said, the Bank of England was unable to pay their notes in specie. So far was he from having made such an assertion, that his whole argument was, that he thought their ability to meet their engagements made the proposed enquiry useless. He always had thought that the Bank could pay in specie, but the difficulty was as to the supplying the quantity of paper called for by the ⚫ country. He drew no comparison between the funds of the Bank now, and in the year 1797, and he wished it to be understood that he was not disposed to draw such a comparison. He begged pardon for occupying the attention of the House, but thought the delicacy of the subject demanded some explanation. The Accounts were accordingly ordered. DISTILLATION FROM GRAIN IN IRELAND.] Mr. Maurice Fuzgerald said, that before he made the motion with which he meant to conclude, he wished first to remove from the minds of gentlemen any misconception, relative to the existence of any insufficiency of a supply of corn in Ireland. It was not his wish to spread any alarm of scarcity, and this he thought necessary to specify, because it too fre quently happened, that the discussion of a subject was a sufficient ground for alarm. It was true, that in some local districts some deficiency might be found to exist, and, on that account, he thought it incumbent on the Irish government to direct their attention to the subject, that if no ground for apprehension was found to exist, the public clamour or alarm might be silenced, In another point of view, he was averse to any interference with the corn laws, and was one of those who thought such interference productive of more harm than good; and with respect to Ireland, he doubted whether any limita tion should be placed to the export of corn, as he conceived that country to be equal to supply more than it did at present to England. He deprecated the idea of encouraging distillation from corn as a source of revenue, as it sometimes created a pressure which was severely felt; and it was the duty of government to sacrifice any small object of revenue to the comforts of the people. The food of the poor in Ireland being chiefly potatoes, the high price of corn only affected them when there was a failure of the crop of potatoes, which was the only proof on the subject. In such a case, he thought it the duty of government to put a stop at once to distillation. He was given to understand, that the consumption of grain in Dublin was nearly double, in consequence of the distillation from grain in that city-a permission by which industry was discouraged, and immorality promoted. must repeat, however, that there did not exist the least reason to apprehend a scarcity in Ireland, and that there was a redundancy of provisions in one part of the country sufficient to preserve the reasona ble price, and to supply any deficiency that might partially exist. He concluded by moving, "That there be laid before this House, an account of the number of gallons of Irish-made spirits on which duty was paid in Ireland, from the 5th day of January, 1811, to the latest period to which the same can be made up; distinguishing the districts, together with the amount of duty paid thereon." He Mr. W. Pole said, that he had no objection to grant the information required by the hon. gentleman. In the general view which the hon. gentleman had taken of the subject, he perfectly agreed. He understood the hon. gentleman to state, that he did not think that there was any ground for apprehending that there was a scarcity of grain in Ireland. He had taken every means in his power to obtain the most accurate information upon this subject, and he was convinced there was no danger of scarcity. It was true that the prices of grain were very different in different parts of Ireland, but that variety of price did not arise from any deficiency of grain. Very unpleasant circumstances had oc curred in different parts of Ireland, where the people had endeavoured to prevent cilitating that intercourse. But when he grain from being sent to the Dublin stated that the price of wheat was 16s. a market, under a mistaken notion that it barrel more in London than it was in would cause a scarcity; but when a free Dublin, it was impossible to suppose that intercourse was opened between the dif- a great export to this country should not ferent parts of the kingdom, the result take place. Whether, if any serious was, that the markets were all supplied, scarcity were to take place in Ireland, it and the prices lowered. He was therefore might not be proper for government to warranted in saying, that even in the dis- take a review of the act to which he had tricts alluded to by the hon. gentleman, alluded, was another question; but certhere was no reason to apprehend a tainly, under the present circumstances, scarcity. He agreed with the hon. gen- he for one would not consent to touch that tleman, that if there was any ground to ap- act. Gentlemen were not, perhaps, aware, prehend a scarcity, it would become the that in the last year, the import of grain duty of the Irish government to stop the into this country from Ireland was in the distilleries; but he knew, from informa- proportion of one to three of what Great tion upon which he could place the most Britain imported from the rest of the perfect reliance, that all the distillers in world; formerly the average of the proDublin, Cork, and Limerick, were now portion was only as one to ten. The imamply supplied with grain to carry on portation of grain into this country from their business to the fullest extent for ten Ireland was not only great, but it was weeks to come. The regular time at progressively increasing. The importawhich distillers ceased to work was the 1st tion in the last four months was greater of June; last year they ceased on that day, than the whole importation of any one and he had no doubt that he could prevail preceding year, and the importation of the upon them to cease at the same period this last month was greater by one-fourth than year. As they had therefore already a the proportion of the four months. He sufficient supply of grain to carry them on did not think it necessary to take up more till within a few days of the time at which of the time of the House, as he did not they would naturally cease working, there mean to give any opposition to the hon. was no reason to apprehend that they gentleman's motion, If any case of would come into the market, and by their scarcity were to arise, the attention of the purchases increase the price of the article. Irish government would of course be most It should also be observed, that the grain closely directed to the subject. At prein the possession of the distillers was in sent he agreed with the hon. gentleman, such a state, being either malted or kiln that there was no ground for any such apdried, or in some such state of process, prehension. The crop of potatoes, it was that it could not be made use of for the true, was rather scanty, but they were of purpose of food, even if the distilleries a good quality; and he was sure that, were stopped. He hoped, therefore, that from the steps which had been taken to the hon. gentleman would see, that the enable the farmers to carry their produce measure which he had suggested could to market without interruption, the prices not tend in any degree to afford any relief of grain in Ireland would not increase, and to the people of Ireland. The price of therefore that there would be no occasion grain had certainly risen in Ireland, but for the interposition of parliament. that was not owing to the distilleries, but Sir John Newport entirely agreed in the to the free intercourse in grain, which opinion, that there was nothing like a scarsubsisted between Great Britain and Ire- city to be apprehended, and that where land, and the price in the former country any deficiency existed, it arose from the being so much greater than it was in the stoppage of the regular intercourse through latter, a very great export naturally took the country, by which alone plenty could place from Ireland. He most highly ap- be ensured. The farmer locked up his proved of the free intercourse in grain be- corn in his granaries, and the people detween the two countries. No man at all feated their own objects. He believed acquainted with the state of Ireland, could that at all times there was a considerable shut his eyes to the astonishing improve-advance on oats at this season of the year, ments which had taken place in the agriculture of that country, in consequence of the act proposed by the right hon, baronet opposite to him (sir John Newport) for fa(VOL. XXII.) particularly when the crop of potatoes failed; and it was to be recollected that the distilleries had laid in their stock, and their demand ceased at this time. Above (D) in Great Britain. He thought that it was due to the poor manufacturers of Great Britain, who were now living on reduced wages, and with an increased price of provisions, to take measures for preventing the unnecessary consumption of grain in the Irish distilleries. If this waste of grain were stopped, our manufactures might be sent out to pay for West India sugar, and the manufacturers might be restored to their former wages. The motion was then agreed to. HOUSE OF LORDS. Thursday, March 19. all things he entreated the House not to entertain any idea of fixing a maximum almost under any contingent circumstances; and he reminded them, that when he introduced the Bill, for which he had been so undeservedly complimented by the right hon. gentleman, he had cautioned them against fixing a maximum, for it would operate as a permanent discouragement to the tillage farmer, and if held over him, as a probable measure, would, like the sword of Damocles, paralyse all his exertions. Any limitation of the exports of corn would have the same effect as a restriction, and he hoped the united kingdoms were fully able to furnish corn enough for their consumption, with- LORD BORINGDON'S MOTION FOR AN out any foreign aid. As to the prices of ADDRESS TO THE PRINCE REGENT, BESEECHcorn in the London market, it was to be ING HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS TO FORM AN observed, that a considerable addition EFFICIENT ADMINISTRATION.] Lord Bomust be made to the price of the corn ex- ringdon observed, that it was not unported from Ireland before it reached the usual, when a motion of great magnitude English market, and also that the quality was brought under the consideration of of corn grown in a moist soil (like that of the House, for the noble lord who intendIreland) was inferior; at all events, the ed to make it, to preface his speech by intercourse should not be meddled with, as dwelling on the purity of the motives by the evil complained of would correct itself. which he was actuated, and by declaring, There was a considerable exportation of that a strong sense of public duty impelled corn from Ireland to Portugal and Cadiz, him to offer himself to their lordships' nofor the use of the armies, and he would tice. On no occasion, by no individual, rather meddle with that than the regular he could justly say, were such expressions intercourse between the two countries, ever made use of with more entire sinceby which the farming interest would be rity, than by him who then had the hoalarmed, and that spirit repressed which nour of addressing the House. The moarose from the Bill of last session. He tion which he should have to submit to was sure the right hon. gentleman was not their lordships, originated entirely with inclined to take such a step, but as he had himself-it was not suggested by any thrown out a hint to that effect, he thought man, or set of men, either in that House it his duty to express his sentiments of or out of it; it had arisen from feelings the evils which were to be apprehended of a purely public nature, from an anxious from it. wish to make an exertion which might dispel the gloomy prospect that surrounded the country, and avert the occurrence of the worst calamity that could befal the empire. He knew he had made use of a bold expression. But the calamity he referred to fully justified it-that calamity was nothing less than the separation of the two sister countries-the dismemberment of the empire. Of no less magnitude was the evil which he fearfully contemplated Mr. W. Pole said, in explanation, that the right hon. baronet understood him in a stronger sense than he intended-he merely meant to state in fairness, that the difference in price might make it a question whether some limits should not be put to it. Mr. Marryatt said, that the consumption of grain in the Irish distilleries was prodigious, as besides the consumption of that country, Ireland exported near a-and which, in his opinion, reasoning thousand puncheons of spirits a week. He thought that in determining this question, the price of corn in this country ought to be attended to as well as the price of corn in Ireland. It was evident that while there was a free intercourse of corn between the two countries, the price of it in Ireland must be affected by the price of it from cause to effect, the system pursued at present, must necessarily produceand, at a period far less remote than was, in all probability, imagined by the generality of persons. It was under the strong and serious apprehension of this calamity, whether that feeling were erroneous or justly founded, that he earnestly solicited giving unprecedented encouragement and effect to our paper currency,-to which circumstance, in the existing situation of the country, he certainly however was not disposed to object. In the interior of the country there appeared a spirit of disorder and contempt of the law, bordering on insurrection. At a time when we were not only at war with a power whose dominions were more extensive than those of Charlemagne, but also with every potentate of Europe except those of the peninsula, this was an appalling state of things; but the most appalling circumstance was, that while almost the whole population of the continent of Europe was united against these islands, whose numbers were so small in proportion, and notwithstanding the general complexion of the times, one fourth of our population was excluded from the pale of the constitution-excluded by various laws founded on causes and principles which had long ceased to operate,-laws which had relation only to the peculiar circumstances of the age in which they were enacted, and the continuance of which, till this day, was a scandal to the nation, and a serious detriment to the political power of the country. Such was the general outline of our situation, at the period to which he referred. He was anxious, however, to be understood, as not stating any thing that might look like the suggestions of passion, rather than sober reason. He hoped no expression of his would be so construed as to carry the appearance of giving way to dismay and despair. He was convinced on the contrary, that our resources, if properly managed, and called into action, were fully adequate to overcome all the difficulties by which we were surrounded. It was, indeed, out of this conviction, that the motion which he was about to submit to their lordships grew; for, he was persuaded, that, with an united people, and a government, meriting and receiving their confidence, the empire was perfectly competent to avert every danger which threatened it; and that the energies and resources of this island were equal, not only to its own necessities, but to continue the assistance at present imparted to its allies-and even, if it were found expedient, to extend it still farther. But, he was no less certain, that, without such an union among the people, without such a confidence in the government, no results, beneficial to the interests of the empire, could be expected. It was under those the indulgent attention of the House. On this occasion, it would not be necessary for him to carry their lordships back to the commencement of the melancholy illness of the sovereign, who, for more than half a century, had swayed the sceptre of those realms; nor would it be necessary to do more than to advert to those amiable sentiments, those refined principles of duty and affection, which, at the commencement of the restricted Regency, and throughout its duration, had induced his royal highness the Prince Regent, to adopt and pursue that course to which his royal father was known to be attached. While any hope remained of his Majesty's recovery, it would have been extremely difficult for him to have acted differently. But at length a new æra arrived, when, from the utter hopelessness of his Majesty's restoration to health, the Prince Regent could no longer be influenced by those considerations, which, prior to that period, had so honourably operated on his conduct; and could no longer be precluded from pursuing such a course as to him might seem best calculated to advance the interests of the country. What was the general situation of the country, at the beginning of the æra to which he had adverted? What were the prospects of their lordships and of the nation? And what had overshadowed and overclouded those prospects? At that period, Java, the last colonial possession of the enemy, had been wrested from him, and added to the dominions of the British crown. Though a formidable navy had been prepared by France, the British navy had been every where triumphant: the enemy's ships only quitted their ports to enter those of Great Britain. The colonial power of the enemy had been literally annihilated all over the globe. Portugal had been wrested from the military occupation of the French; and in the 10th year of the war, and in the fourth year of its existence in the peninsula, not only had Portugal been defended, but our armies had on every occasion, and those occasions had, as their lordships knew, often occurred, covered themselves with glory in the territory of Spain. The operations of the war in that quarter were conducted by one of the first generals of the age, whose services were still at the disposal of his country. What was the picture on the other hand? Commercial distress all over the country,—our manufacturers reduced almost to a state of starvation,-new laws, My dearest Brother; that his royal highness the Prince Regent had expressed his wish that a government should be formed on an extended and li added most important acquisitions to her empire. The national faith has been preserved inviolate towards our allies; and if character is strength, as applied to a nation, the encreased and encreasing reputa tion of his Majesty's arms will shew to the nations of the continent how much they may still achieve when animated by a glorious spirit of resistance to a foreign yoke. In the critical situation of the war in the peninsula, I shall be most anxious to avoid any measure which can lead my allies to suppose that I mean to depart from the present system. Perseverance alone can achieve the great object in question; and I cannot withhold my approbation from those who have honourably distinguished themselves in support of it. As the restrictions on the exercise of the royal authority will shortly expire, when I must make my arrangements for the future administration of the powers with which I am invested, I think it right to communicate to you those sentiments which I was withheld from expressing at an earlier period of the session, by my earnest desire, that the expected motion on the affairs of Ireland might undergo the deliberate discussion of parliament, un-I have no predilections to indulge-no remixed with any other consideration. sentments to gratify-no objects to attain, but such as are common to the whole empire. If such is the leading principle of my conduct--and I can appeal to the past in evidence of what the future will be-I flatter myself I shall meet with the support of parliament, and of a candid and I think it hardly necessary to call your recollection to the recent circumstances under which I assumed the authority delegated to me by parliament. At a moment of unexampled difficulty and danger, I was called upon to make a selection of persons to whom I should entrust the func-enlightened nation. tions of the executive government. My sense of duty to our royal father solely decided that choice; and every private feeling gave way to considerations which admitted of no doubt or hesitation. I trust I acted in that respect as the genuine representative of the august person whose functions I was appointed to discharge; and I have the satisfaction of knowing, that such was the opinion of persons, for whose judgment and honourable principles I entertain the highest respect. In various instances, as you well know, where the law of the last session left me at full liberty, I waved any personal gratification, in order that his Majesty might resume, on his restoration to health, every power and prerogative belonging to his crown. I certainly am the last person in the kingdom to whom it can be permitted to despair of our royal father's recovery. A New Era is now arrived, and I cannot but reflect with satisfaction, on the events which have distinguished the short period of my restricted regency. Instead of suffering in the loss of any of her possessions, by the gigantic force which has been employed against them, Great Britain has Having made this communication of my sentiments in this new and extraordinary crisis of our affairs, I cannot conclude without expressing the gratification I should feel, if some of those persons with whom the early habits of my public life were formed, would strengthen my hands, and constitute a part of my government. With such support, and aided by a vigorous and united administration, formed on the most liberal basis, I shall look with additional confidence to a prosperous issue of the most arduous contest in which Great Britain was ever engaged. You are authorised to communicate these sentiments to lord Grey, who, I have no doubt, will make them known to lord Grenville. I am always, my dearest Frederick, your affectionate Brother, (Signed) GEORGE, P. R. February 15, 1812. Sir-We beg leave most humbly to express to your Royal Highness our dutiful acknowledgements for the gracious and condescending manner in which you have |