safety of his empire and the tranquillity of Europe required it? Many facts yet remained in the dark, doubtless, because they would not bear the light; among which was the banishment and restoration of the barons suspected of intercourse with the enemy. Lord Castlereagh re-asserted, that necessity alone had induced the British minister, not, as was supposed, to overthrow the system, but merely to make a representation to the king of Sicily against the existing form of government. The whole change that succeeded was voluntary, nor were the British authorities concerned in or responsible for it. During these transactions the conduct of lord William Bentinck had been not less remarkable for mildness and forbearance, than for a rigid execution of his instructions. The Chancellor of the Exchequer remarked upon the triumphant tone in which the right hon. baronet had reminded the House, that his recommendation at a former period had at length been attended to by the alteration which had been produced in Sicily. If however the British government had not waited until the present time before it interfered, the object I would have been defeated, inasmuch as matters were not until now ripe for the change accomplished, nor would it even at this time have been proper to have proceeded to the extent advised by the right hon. baronet in his former speeches. If it were questionable at this time whether interference were right, surely at any former period (before the danger which lately threatened the British army was apparent) it would have been most unjustifiable. He admitted the fitness of removing from the British character the greatest of all stigmas cast upon us by our enemies, namely, that we were actuated by the same principles that governed them, if that might be called government which acknowledged no law. He was surprised, however, to find, that the right hon. baronet was the instrument by which these unfounded calumnies were circulated. Sir J. Newport maintained, that it was a totally different thing to make terms with our ally when he was independent, and when he had an army of 15,000 British soldiers in his territory. Perhaps upon enquiry, he should agree that it was important that the revolution should be accomplished; but he required, and the country required, that it should be made evident to all the world that such conduct was justifiable. It was á very easy, though not perhaps a satisfactory way of answering arguments, to accuse the individual employing them of improper motives; under certain circumstances be might be proud of the disapprobation of the gentlemen on the other side of the House, more particularly when they endeavoured to deter him from the discharge of a public duty, which as a member of parliament he felt himself called upon to perform. The Chancellor of the Exchequer answered, that the objection just made, that we ought to have treated with our ally while he was free, could not apply, inasmuch as, at the formation of the treaty, to fulfil which this grant was proposed, there was a British army in Sicily. Mr. Bastard gave his vote for the grant, upon the explanation of the noble lord, considering that we were justified in interfering with the government of Sicily, in conformity with the provisions of the treaty, and that if necessity urged, we should take possession of that country by force of arms. Mr. Hume stated some circumstances respecting the application of the grants of former years, from local knowledge, and justified the propriety in government abstaining from interference before. The Resolution was then agreed to. MR. CHINNERY'S DEFALCATION.] Mr. Bankes adverted to the deficit in the ac count of a public officer in the Treasury, and recommended the adoption of some means of preventing in future the accumulation of frauds on the public. The Chancellor of the Exchequer stated the accounts of Mr. Chinnery to have been of such a nature, that by balancing the surplus of some years, against the deficiencies of others, the appearance of the whole was so fair, that it was a matter of little surprise that the auditors had been deceived. The inaccuracies in them could only be detected by looking to the accounts for a considerable time back. These back accounts had been neglected; but latterly, an effort had been made to get them into a more regular and proper train. As there were a great many of these accounts to look to, it was a consi derable time before the accounts of Mr. Chinnery were hunted, as it were, into such a corner, that it was hardly possible for the defaulter to escape. He did not deny that some blame attached itself to those whose duty it was to look to the accounts, but still he contended, that to detect the defaulter was very difficult, from the nature of the accounts. He had himself on one occasion examined a person on the subject, and been imposed upon. Mr. Rose said, he had introduced Mr. Chinnery in 1783, who had been private secretary to the then lord chancellor, lord Thurlow. Mr. Chinnery was strongly recommended by the lord chancellor, and in consequence he (Mr. Rose) took an opportunity of naming him to a situation. He understood, about nine months after he had done so, that Mr. Chinnery acquitted himself in a very satisfactory manner, and that he was very ingenious, and at the same time attentive to his duty. For four or five years Mr. Chinnery appeared to go on very well, but after that time he got into an extravagant way of living, which he (Mr. Rose) thought ill became his situation. He remonstrated with him on the subject. Mr. Chinnery, from the two agencies with which he was entrusted, and the accounts of the Treasury, which he had to manage, was in the habit of receiving not less than 4,000l. per year. The produce of one quarter was usually given into his hands at once, which was about 1,000l. and the security of Mr. Chinnery was 3,000l. On his remonstrating with Mr. Chinnery on the extravagant way of life he had got into, he replied that he was enabled to do so by the support which he drew from other funds than those with which he (Mr. R.) was acquainted. The right hon. gentleman said, that he had never known what those funds were, nor that any such were in existence. From the situation in which Mr. Chinnery had been, he had certainly no reason to think him in possession of any thing of that kind. When he (Mr. R.) was in the Treasury, 14 or 15 years ago, Mr. Chinnery, in consequence of a remonstrance, assured him that the world were much mistaken in his circumstances, as he had other resources than he was generally known to possess. From that period, he (Mr. R.) had ceased to speak to him frequently, and had indeed very seldom. spoke to him since. About a year and a half ago, he saw Mr. Chinnery was still going on in the same extravagant manner. On this occasion he wrote to him a letter, in which he told him, "that nothing could be more scandalous than the style in which he lived. That he (Mr. R.) was certain that he could have no honest (VOL. XXII.) funds capable of supporting such expences, and that though it was nothing to the world how persons lived who were differently situated, yet in the situation of Mr. Chinnery such a course must appear reprehensible to all. He farther told him, that he had always observed, that when a man greatly exceeded his income, there was but little security for his honour, and that feeling this, he should communicate his thoughts on the subject to his right hon. friend."-He thought there was no excuse for Mr. Chinnery, as he had been living in a shamefully extravagant manner for 14 or 15 years. Mr. Chinnery had been in the habit of giving concerts, which were attended by performers of the first celebrity. When he spoke to him on this subject, he was answered, by Mr. Chinnery, that they were friends of his, and that these musicians would receive no pay, and consequently the charge of his concerts was but trifling. He knew persons of great consideration who were in the habit of attending these concerts, but he had never gone to one, lest he should seem to give his sanction to such doings. The only time he was ever in Mr. Chinnery's house was, when he went to stand godfather to that young man, with whose name the public were familiar (Mr. Chin→ nery, jun.) When a Bill was brought in two years ago by the hon. baronet opposite, he had endeavoured to frame it to meet cases like the present, and he thought at that time that if he could be laid hold of, Mr. Chinnery might be the first affected by that Bill. He was not aware that this subject would be touched upon, or he would have brought the correspondence which had taken place on the subject with him, to shew how anxious he had been to induce Mr. Chinnery to change his conduct, not only within the last one or two years, but for the last 14 or 15 years. Mr. H. Martin thought the mode of issuing money was highly improper. If the right hon. gentleman opposite would not suggest a plan, he would, on a future day, make a motion to that effect. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that a change which had been made in that department would be a security against the recurrence of such an accident. He meant, that the clerks should be audited every quarter. Mr. Bankes had no doubt but govern. ment was at present perfectly awake to the disease, he might say, consumption, (0) all the other ports of Great Britain and Ireland." Ordered to lie upon the table. GOLD COIN AND BANK NOTE AMEND. MENT BILL.] On the motion for the second reading of this Bill, Mr. Morris, entertaining the same objections he had always professed to the measure in contemplation, which objections were still strengthened by the new clauses added to the Bill, could not forbear enforcing them again, even in that early stage of the measure. The Bill, as it stood, went to give to the paper of a company, the same currency as to the coin of the realm, and to make those notes a legal tender in every instance, without providing any additional security against forgery, or against any excessive issue which might, and would still further depress them. The That the Petitioners have, in common with other classes of his Majesty's sub-system of paper circulation was not new, jects, been prevented from trading to the it had been at some period or other atcountries to the eastward of the Cape of tempted by most nations in Europe, and its Good Hope, in consequence of charters of invariable consequence had been to entail monopoly granted to the East India Com- bankruptcy on government, and ruin and pany; and that the Petitioners humbly misery on thousands of innocent indivibeg leave to represent, that they are, by duals. The same effects might be expected, such charters, not only individually ex- or at least apprehended, in this country, cluded from a most beneficial commerce, from the Bill then before the House; and but they are deprived of privileges which it was the bounden duty of the representathey are proud to prize as their birth-right, tives of the people to pause and consider, and which, as no temptation could induce whether or not the present paper currency them willingly to relinquish, no payment meant to be established was so far diffeis sufficient to purchase; and that, besides reut from all others, as to avert the apprethe manifest injury which such charters hension of those evils which experience have produced on the efforts of individuals, had taught us to expect. He was not, they have necessarily had a similar effect however, so sanguine as to hope, that the on the national resources, which, under a provisions of the present Bill could answer free trade, must have become greatly that purpose. He saw no additional secumore considerable than while the com- rity against forgery, and while he was merce is restricted and confined; the Pe- willing to do ample justice to the ingenuity titioners, being convinced that such im- of the means by which the Bank had conportant truths cannot fail to produce con- trived to protect themselves, he must-obviction of the impolicy of any monopoly serve, at the same time, that as those means of the trade to India and China, look to were secret, that very secresy, far from the expiration of the present East India affording any additional security to the inCharter with the confident hope of seeing dividual, only increased his perplexity. a period put to any exclusive trade to He could speak from personal observation those countries, and a wide field thus laid as to the effects of forgery on a paper cir.... open to the capital, skill, and industry of culation; he had seen in France in the British merchants and manufacturers; in time of assignats, bureaux de verification this confident hope and expectation the erected at the corner of every street, where Petitioners humbly pray, that no mono- the trembling tradesman was forced to poly be granted of the commerce and bring paper for inspection before he could navigation to the countries eastward of think himself safe in delivering his goods. the Cape of Good Hope, but that the The same effects might be expected in trade may be free and open, in the same this country, from the increase of forgery; manner as other branches of commerce, for the loss to the individual was not the not only to the port of London, but to greatest evil to be expected from it, and Lord A. Hamilton read the third and fourth Resolutions of the Bullion Committee. By the third the Committee had declared, "that bank notes were to be considered as promissory notes for payment in gold." The fourth assumed, that," in consequence they were held in estimation equal to the current coin of the realm." The noble lord argued that it was the height of inconsistency to proceed with the present Bill, with those Resolutions (diametrically opposite to its principles) standing on the Journals of the House, especially as it was intended to extend the Bill to Ireland. the effect it produced on the public mind, ing evils would be found in the collected tended to depress the forced circulation wisdom of the House assembled in a Comtenfold. Against that evil, of momentous mittee. magnitude, the public had no means whatever of guarding themselves, even the endorsing of Bank notes was but a futile resource and, in fact, no man, whatever might be his education, could be said to possess really the means of distinguishing a genuine from a forged Bank note. Ad verting to the second point to which he had alluded, the security against an excessive issue, he thought that the Bill was equally deficient in that respect. To the directors of the Bank he gave full credit for ability and integrity. He was sure they were incapable of abusing the trust reposed in them; but the power with which they were thus invested was too great for them to wield; and they had not sufficient means of restraining the issue of their paper money within due bounds. From the view he had been able to take of this subject, he thought it would have been much better to let things remain as they were; at the same time, he lamented that the Report of the Bullion Committee, which he admired as much as any one, had not adverted to the state of the law as it then stood. He had already suggested the propriety of going into a Committee, to sift that matter to the bottom; and should such a measure be adopted, it might, perhaps, be thought advisable to raise the nominal price of gold coin, in the same proportion as bank-notes had been depreciated in comparison to it; there could be then no inconvenience in the Bank resuming its payments in specie. The measure was not so novel as might be expected at first sight; we had, in fact, already raised the price of coin by the issue of tokens, at a rate above their intrinsic value, and although they were not the standard coin of the realm, still they were received in exchange of those notes which were to be made legal tenders, and accepted in payment by creditors. The hon. and learned gentleman then alluded to the misfortunes brought on this country at former periods by the depreciation of the circulating medium, for which no remedy could be found but in a recurrence to the old principles. If the present Bill was ultimately to be adopted, he trusted that such provisions would be added as to protect the individual from loss, while it secured the regular service of government; but he should think that the only remedy to the impend Sir John Newport deprecated the idea of extending the Bill to Ireland, and conceived that the House was travelling the high road to ruin, which had been invariably the case with all countries in which a paper currency had been forced on the people. He begged the House to consider, besides, the grounds on which the measure was to be extended to Ireland. It was simply on a petition presented by a noble lord, without his having condescended to inform the House whether the petition was signed by landlords or by tenantsthat was, whether it was signed by men who were willing to abandon some of the advantages they actually had by contract; or by men willing at any rate to acquit themselves of their debts at a cheaper rate. The Bill passed last session went far enough to alarm all men interested in the welfare of the country, but the present went far beyond it. It went, as it respected Ireland, to break a solemn covenant between landlord and tenant, by which the former was to be paid in gold, no matter at what price it was to be procured. He thought that this was a step too bold to be taken at once; and before the imperial parliament could think, under such circumstances, of extending the Bill to Ireland, they should have petitions from every part of that country, and know especially if landlords agreed to it. In another instance, Ireland, should the Bill extend to that country, was treated with evident neglect. He believed that the bank of Ireland was as solvent as any bank-as much so as the bank of England itself, and he could say no more in its favour. Yet, when it was intended to restrict the bank of England from paying in specie, it was thought necessary first to institute an in quiry as to it means of solvability. But, the same precautions were deemed useless when the Bill was to apply to Ireland. These were the grounds on which he objected to the Bill being extended to Ireland, especially in the thin state of the House; and in the absence of Irish members. He might add, that it had proved perfectly useless in this country, it being found impossible, as it always would be, to prevent the traffic in gold coin, or to keep paper in any country above a certain level, regulated by a variety of uncontroulable circumstances. Mr. D. Giddy allowed the full weight of the principles laid down by his hon. friend (Mr. Morris); he saw that the measure proposed was attended with great difficulties; he might say, that it was dangerous, and wished that another had been proposed in its stead; yet, in the present circumstances, knowing it was desired by the public, he would not oppose it. Mr. H. Thornton hoped that, before the Bill should pass, the gentlemen from Ireland, then absent, would come fully prepared to discuss its merit as affecting their country, in the way alluded to by the right hon. baronet. The nature of the Bill itself had been greatly changed by its extension to the sister-country. He was one of those who thought last session that the Bill would be incomplete if it did not extend to Ireland; but at the same time he had expressed a positive wish for full information, before that step should be taken. It had appeared since, that a practice existed in Ireland of receiving gold in payment of contracts, at a difference in price from the paper circulating medium. The difference was stated by some at 22 or 25 per cent. against paper. It followed of course, that the landlords and other holders of such contracts, would be injured by the Bill in that very proportion. This was a step perfectly novel in legislature; and should the Bill pass, it would turn out that a man, a tenant for instance, now bound to pay 1221. by virtue of a special contract, would be authorised by parliament to pay only 100l. Indeed the measure was one of such manifest injustice, that he thought government must have had some secret and powerful motive to propose it. Probably they meant to destroy altogether the standard on which people were enabled to judge of the depreciation of paper currency, which standard was kept up by the price of gold coin in Ireland. A standard more imperfect would still exist, it was true, in the course of foreign exchanges; but this was not within the reach of every one; and by keeping from the view of the people the true standard of value to which they had been long accustomed, ministers would be able to carry their system of delusion to almost. any length. It was as necessary to the welfare of society to keep always in view the standard of marketable value as well as any other; as for instance, the standards of weight, length, and capacity for the sale of goods; and by taking away the standard of gold coin for marketable value, no scale would be left on which prospective bargains or contracts could possibly be executed. Notwithstanding all these weighty objections, he was willing to let the Bill go into a Committee, in hopes that they might be discussed with better effect, but without pledging himself any further. He hoped above all things that in the Committee another standard of marketable value would be recognised besides paper currency. Lord Castlereagh did not think it necessary to enter at large, for the present, on the merits of the Bill. He admired the ingenuity of the hon. gentleman who had just sat down, but his arguments did not carry conviction, because he always fell short of the object in view; he pointed out evils, which he magnified, but never suggested a remedy. The noble lord did not see that the extension of the measure to Ireland was attended with such insuperable difficulties, as to deter parlia ment from completing a system deemed necessary for the prosperity of the empire. He should deceive the House, were he to deny that difficulties existed; but they were not of the nature represented. He must, for instance, contradict the idea which seemed to have been entertained, that a double, price for goods, the one in gold coin and the other in paper, existed all over Ireland. It was said, indeed, that the traffic in guineas was pretty general throughout that country, as it was in England. This could not be denied. But there were not generally two prices stipulated in a contract; the practice, on the contrary, was, in that respect, the same as in this country. The question, therefore, as to payments in gold stipulated by contract in Ireland, was reduced to three or four counties, which stood as an anomaly, and in which the practice of stipulating for payments in gold had long subsisted. But, even in that case, the |