a more mischievous effect than the attempts which have been made both in America and Australia to legislate upon the subject independently of the Chinese Government, and to place restrictions upon the influx of Chinese which are utterly opposed to treaty stipulations, and which foreign governments would certainly never tolerate in the case of their own subjects resorting to Chinese territory. Then, again, an entirely different system will need to be introduced in respect to the treatment of the Chinese who settle upon foreign shores. Every administration, within whose jurisdiction Chinese happen to place themselves, should lose no time in supplying itself, as a sine quâ non, with respectable interpreters, competent both to speak and write the language such men, in fact, as those who, under the enlightened policy of the British Foreign Office, have done so much of late years to smooth away the asperities of our relations with China itself-men who, on the one hand, can, by their experience of the Chinese character, pilot the Government into a discreet threading of its many intricacies, and on the other, by their familiarity with the language, court the trust and confidence of the people themselves.

Another most effectual method of conciliating the Chinese, and inducing content in their minds whilst under an alien rule, would be to hold out encouragements to individuals from amongst their own number to merit the distinction of taking a part, however limited, in the administration of their affairs. The Chinese are, as has been advanced at the commencement of this paper, an eccentric people. Their mental architecture is so entirely different from that of any other race as to be simply unique, and to attempt to lead them to a result by any other process of thought or argument than that to which they have been accustomed is to court almost certain failure. Hence the wisdom of humouring them to a certain extent; and this is nowhere more necessary than when dealing with them from an administrative point of view. The Dutch, with their usual acuteness, have detected this peculiarity, and met it in Java and their other Eastern possessions by appointing what are called 'Capitan Cheena' over certain sections of population, a species of small court magistrates, in fact, to whom are relegated all cases, civil and criminal, of a petty nature arising amongst their several districts, and who are responsible to the higher courts for the mode in which these are dealt with. Important cases, as a matter of course, are treated by the Dutch authorities; and a system of appeal, it is presumed, exists, so as to obviate corruption or injustice. The system is found to work well, and the Chinese like it; and example might with advantage be taken from it to introduce something of the same coordinate jurisdiction in other foreign states resorted to by Chinese. Could ameliorations of the kind described be once introduced, no long time would elapse before the results would show themselves in the increased attraction to foreign shores and happy settlement there

of a people who, if properly understood and dealt with, are certainly capable of proving the most tractable and useful colonists in the world.

But, it may be argued, it does not suffice merely to establish the fact that the Chinaman is capable of becoming a useful colonist if properly understood and discreetly dealt with. There remains yet the difficulty of reconciling the white man to the damaging competition in the labour market to which he is subjected by the presence of the Chinaman, be he ever so quiet, good, and useful. The experience of all modern colonisation goes to prove that the white working man cannot and will not tolerate the having to measure himself against coloured labour. Not only does it inevitably drive him out of the market, but its mere introduction amongst a community of white men seems to have the direct effect of paralysing their energies and creating a lower scale of society with which the white working man can have no sympathy, be he ever so poor and starving; and the result is that he either takes his place above the black and employs him to work for him, or he sinks to something below and becomes demoralised and lost.

This may be all very true, but it is open to question whether, as a consequence, the white man possesses the right to exclude the coloured man from sharing with him any portion of God's earth, or competing with him in the great struggle for life which is the lot of humanity. A curse of servitude seems indeed to have been placed by an inscrutable Providence upon the coloured races, and however philanthropists may claim that the coloured man is by nature the equal of the white man, yet there can be no doubt that the time is still far distant when the coloured man can fit himself for the equality political and social which theoretically should be his. But the white man may well be content to assert the ascendency which a more advanced state of civilisation and intelligence has secured him, and to take the lead politically of his darker brother. There can be no justice in his attempting to appropriate likewise the loaves and fishes that should be common to all, or to grudge to the coloured man the fruits of labour earned by the sweat of his own brow. If the interests of the two races clash, or harmony of sentiment and action be found difficult, it is for the government of the country concerned to meet the case by judicious legislation, which shall insure to every class the enjoyment of its reasonable and legitimate rights. For the masses to interfere, and to say, 'This or that shall not be so long as it does not suit us,' is to throw contempt on all government, and sooner or later to bring about a condition of anarchy dangerous alike to all. The latest accounts from San Francisco report that vast bands of working men have associated themselves by oath to stop the immigration of the Chinese altogether, and, if needs be, to destroy any Pacific mail steamer that attempts to

introduce them. But let the case be reversed, and let a Chinese mob attempt such a high-handed measure as against American or other foreigners arriving upon their native shore-an outrage they would be quite capable of if driven thereto in retaliation—and what would be the consequence? Treaty rights would be instantly quoted against the disturbers of the peace, and the inevitable gunboat' would forthwith appear on the scene to maintain these rights by force of arms. The white man, in fact, considers himself entitled to bring China and her commercial resources under tribute to his untiring enterprise and greed of gain, and the least he can do is to tolerate the admission into his own lands of Chinese whose object in resorting thereto is not so much to acquire wealth as to find bread for their daily needs.

The

The question very naturally suggests itself, what is then to be the future of the Chinese in Australia and America? It is difficult. to make a forecast on this head with any approach to precision in view of the ever-varying phases which mark the political atmosphere in these days. In the United States especially paroxysms of political fever so continually agitate individual States, and even at times the nation at large, that he would be a bold man who would presume to predict what will be the condition of the country or any section of the population a hundred or even fifty years hence. One thing, however, it would seem allowable to assert without risk of mistake. Chinaman is by tradition and education a monarchist, regarding autocracy as the only reasonable form of government; and he thrives best under its sway, so long as his just rights are respected. For the elective franchise he is entirely unfit, nor would he care for the privilege of exercising it if thrust upon him. After generations of association with white races and experience of the advantages of freedom of thought, the case might be different; but until his nature is materially modified, and the scope of his aims and wants becomes more extended, he progresses more safely led than leading. It follows that, whatever may be the political changes that may transpire in the countries to which Chinamen resort, their condition will be the happiest for themselves and the safest for the country concerned if they are dealt with as a subject people, and, as has already been remarked, as a community possessing abnormal characteristics, and therefore needing otherwise than ordinary treatment.

The preceding remarks represent the opinion of many who have been able to judge of the Chinese merely from observation of them in their own country, and apart from foreign associations and influences. But, as a matter of fact, little or no attention has been given to their condition and character as colonists abroad beyond the one-sided and sweeping condemnation of them which it has been the purpose of this paper to deprecate; and until full information upon these heads can be obtained, it may be to a certain extent unsafe to come to

definite conclusion as to the proper course to be pursued in dealing with the case. A very effective method of acquiring this information, and one that would have a most happy effect in conciliating and satisfying the Chinese immigrants themselves, would be to appoint a public commission of responsible persons, some of whom should speak and write the Chinese language, to visit all the places resorted to by Chinese, and to make it their duty to ascertain from the people themselves what grievances they have to complain of, what difficulties lie in the way of their harmonious incorporation with other colonists, and generally what remedial measures the circumstances of the case demand. Great Britain, as having an important interest in the results of such an inquiry, and as a power which is always found in the van where a policy of progress, enlightenment, and humanity is concerned, might very well take upon herself this duty, and there can be no doubt that she would have the grateful cooperation of the Chinese government and people in the undertaking, as well as the sympathy of other nations interested in the satisfactory solution of the problem.

W. H. MEDHURST.

RECENT LITERATURE.

THE least of the Laureates translated in 1788 the Poetics of Aristotle, and if one may go on to give the thoughts of Aristotle in the words. of Pye-nec lævus vetet ire Picus'-this was the doctrine of the first great critic as to the relation between Epic and Tragedy:

Tragedy, as well as the epopee, may attain its end without representation, and discover its merit by being read; therefore if it is better in other respects, no objection can be raised from the representation since that is not absolutely necessary. Tragedy, then, has every requisite in common with the epopee, since it may equally use verse, with the additional ornaments of music and scenery, which are no small parts of its composition, and which render the pleasure it excites more striking. It is, therefore, affecting, both when it is read and acted. And it possesses another advantage in having the period of its duration confined to a shorter space; for being, as it were, condensed, it is more agreeable than if it were protracted through a longer succession of time. What would be the effect, for example, if the Edipus of Sophocles were to be put into as many verses as the Iliad? It may further be added that the epic imitation has less unity, since there is no epic poem that cannot furnish subject for several tragedies. . . . If tragedy, then, excels in all these circumstances, as well as in the effect produced by the art itself . . . . it will certainly be more excellent than the epopee, because it attains its end more effectually.

The last of the Laureates-thus far- who has followed Wordsworth in restoring dignity to an office which in itself has no dignity, by accident of its association with his genius, appears to be of Aristotle's mind. After achieving absolute success as a lyric poet, and in the Idylls of the King so dealing with heroic themes as, like Spenser, to moralize his song and earn like right to be held a better teacher than Scotus or Aquinas,' Mr. Tennyson, now in the fullest ripeness of his power, seeks to scale another height, and nerves himself for generous attempts at tragedy. Before we look at his plays hitherto produced-hitherto, for it is to be hoped that more will follow-let us ask how the public stands affected towards such endeavours.

Though Aristotle truly says that Tragedy may attain its end without representation, and discover its merit by being read,' the pleasure given in the reading should be produced by the same art which gives delight in the hearing when the play is spoken with action from the public stage. The finest genius may be in some