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sons-a man of real learning, of varied accomplishments, of me wearied industry, of suave disposition, and gentlemanly manners. Of his own free-will, he wrought harder with his pen than those who depend on it to earn their bread. Had he done less, he might have lived longer: but life prolonged at the expense of enforced idleness, would have been to Malone a protracted treadmil). A true worker, work was his element, and work his reward. Malone was a credit to his name and nation; and Sir James Prior has done well to perpetuate the recollection of his merits. Those who would revire and enlarge their acquaintance with the Boswellean circle, will do well to read the present Memoir, with its budget of anecdotes-10 appropriate supplement to the biographer's previous labours a Goldsmith and Burke.

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In these sketches of the rise of the Reformation in England, and of the early history of Protestantism in France, Dr. Hanna exhibit a comprehensive grasp of his subject, intimate acquaintance with me details, a clear and pleasing style, and that spirit of impartialty s difficult to preserve when one is drawn within the vortex of eco siastical controversy. About half of his volume is devoted to the career of the great English reformer, who, a century and a has before Luther, and when the great sacerdotal system of Rome hai attained its fullest strength, was the first to denounce, openly ani boldly, the doctrines and claims of the papacy as unscriptusi unreasonable, and degrading to the human spirit, and to present in their stead the simple doctrines of the Redeemer, and the simple institute of the Church as set forth in Holy Writ. We propose is follow Dr. Hanna for a little in his sketch of this great and good man, the least egotistical and most faultless of all our reformen

John Wycliffe was born in 1324, in the small parish of Wyolite situated on the banks of the Tees, in Yorkshire, a few miles aber Rokeby, and about as many below Bernard Castle. His infancy >> lost in obscurity, and of the character of his parents nothing » known. Not even an anecdote of his boyhood remains, and bus at Oxford, extending over a period of forty years, presents us with but one illustrative incident. The last six years of his life, frum

• “Wycliffe and the Huguenots." By the Rev. William Hanns, LLD Edinburgh: Thomas Constable and Co. 1860.

fifty-four to sixty, spent at his rectory of Lutterworth-years of toil, in which multitudes of tracts, pamphlets, and treatises were poured forth by the indefatigable reformer-afford no trace of his private life or domestic habits. No personal allusions are to be found in his voluminous writings, and it would be difficult to point out another historical personage of equally high standing, of whose personal tastes and habits we know so little. We must be content to accept the public man, and dispense with the minor characteristics which bring him down to our own level, humanize him, and give him a stronger hold upon our hearts. We may safely infer, however, from this remarkable want of egotism in his writings, that Wycliffe was a singularly self-oblivious man, totally absorbed by, and intent upon, his work. His deeds prove him to have been animated by the warmest philanthropy, the purest patriotism, and most ardent piety; and, though for twenty-five years he lived in the stormy atmosphere of controversy, and lashed with unsparing severity the ambition, luxury, and worldliness of friars, prelates, and priests, he never stooped to personal abuse, nor became involved in a personal quarrel. There is not a trace of vindictive or malignant feeling even in his rudest assault. His was the vehemence of the roused conscience, rather than the resentment of offended passion, and herein he affords a striking contrast to Luther and Knox, who were occasionally betrayed into a virulence of abuse, and an offensive personality injurious to the great cause they so nobly supported.

Wycliffe was early destined for the church, and at sixteen years of age entered Queen's College, Oxford, as a commoner, where he remained for a year; and then, in 1341, joined Merton College, the most celebrated foundation in Oxford. During this century, the Universities of Paris, Bologna, and Oxford were in the height of their fame; and, at the time when Wycliffe entered Merton College, no fewer than 30,000 students were assembled at Oxford. Wycliffe speedily distinguished himself by the ardour and success with which he prosecuted his academical studies. He became a proficient, both in the canon and civil law, and so great an adept in the scholastic philosophy that one of the bitterest of his contemporary opponents acknowledges that “in philosophy he was second to none; in scholastic exercises, incomparable ; struggling to excel all others in disputation, both in subtlety and depth.” He appears to have been early impressed by the truths of Christianity, as set forth in the Scriptures, so that he was known among his fellow-collegians by the title of the Evangelical or Gospel Doctor. These early religious impressions were strengthened and confirmed by the ravages of the fearful pestilence of 1345, which, originally breaking out in the east, crept along the shores of the Mediterranean, desolated Greece, swept over Italy, crossed the Alps, and, in 1350, almost depopulated London, when 100,000 of the inhabitants perished. In 1300, after he had been for twenty years, first a scholar, and then a fellow of Merton College, Wycliffe received his first ecclesiastical preferment, the living of Freylingham, in the diocese of Lincoln; and at the

close of the same year, was chosen Master or Warden of Balliol College.

The payment of a thousand marks annually as tribute from the nation of England to which King John had unconstitutionally bound himself and his successors had, at this period, been discontinued for about thirty years. But in 1365, Edward III. received an unexpected communication from Pope Urban V., But only demanding a renewal of the payment, but also the discharge of the accumulated arrears. Edward III. laid the matter before his Parliament; and Wycliffe has reported to us the speeches of some of the great Barons on this important occasion. They opposed the Papal claims in the most distinct and unceremonions manner; the last speaker uttering these remarkable words pregnant with the germ of English liberty :-“I wonder that you do not at once lay your hand upon the entire illegality of the original transaction here. King John bound himself without legal consent of the kingdom. No golden seal of royalty, nor the seals of a few lords, whom the king coerced to join him, could supply the place of the national consent, or give validity to the deed. That deed, therefore, should be treated as a nullity." Ultimately, the three estates of the realm solemnly decided that “Inasmuch as neither King John, nor any other king could bring his realm and kingdom into such thraldom and subjection, but by common assent of Parliament, the which was not given; therefore, that which he did was against his oath at his coronation. If, therefore, the Pope should attempt any. thing against the king by process or other matters in deed, the king with all his subjects should, with all their force and power, resist the same.” This noble assertion of national rights, and uncompromising defiance of papal usurpations, was conveyed to Rome, when t'rban prudently withdrew his demands, and relinquished his claim to civil supremacy over the nation of England. Wycliffe came up from Oxford to be present at the meeting of this famous Parliament, and also on account of a controversy which had sprung up between the University of Oxford and the Mendicant Friars, in which he was deeply interested, and in which, for the remainder of his life, he was destined to take a prominent part, as the ablest opponent of the pretensions of those mendicant orders. Dr. Hanna gives an admirable account of the rise of these begging fraternities, founded in te earlier part of the thirteenth century, by St. Dominic and St. Francis. They were distinguished from the more ancient monastic orders by a fundamental rule that, neither individually nor collec tively, could they hold any property, but should depend for their subsistence on the alms of the faithful. In another important par ticular, too, they differed. The older monastic orders, for the most part, were devoted to lives of retirement and seclusion from the worli It was not so with the Dominicans and Franciscans. Theirs was to the a career of active missionary itinerancy among the people. Dunia the first twenty or thirty years of their existence, the mendican! orders, animated by the zeal of their founders, devoted to their

religious duties, and mixing freely with the humblest of the people, spread rapidly over Europe, and acquired great influence. But their decline and corruption were as remarkable as their success. Their fundamental rule as to the possession of property was soon violated, and donations and bequests from all quarters were poured into their treasuries. Converts, cloisters, and churches of the mendicants arose, which, in beauty of architecture, costliness of materials, and richness of decoration, vied with the noblest cathedrals and abbeys of the Benedictines and Augustines. The Roman Pontiffs, too, recognizing in the mendicant orders their ablest and most unscrupulous defenders, assisted still further to corrupt them, by entrusting them with the amplest ecclesiastical powers, and exempting them from episcopal jurisdiction, and any check or control by the parochial clergy. And thus it arose, that, in Wycliffe's days, the mendicant orders, instead of being poor, humble, and self-denying missionaries, were wealthy, proud, and luxurious, possessing much power and influence, and aiming at acquiring more, especially by getting into their hands the education of youth. They attempted to get possession of the chairs in the great universities of Europe ; and, in that of Paris, they triumphed by the assistance of the Pope, after a long struggle in which the famous Thomas Aquinas was their great champion, and William de St. Amour their principal opponent. In the beginning of the fourteenth century, the strife was transferred from Paris to Oxford, where the begging friars had obtruded themselves into the office of lecturers on theology, had seduced many of their scholars into their ranks, and had persuaded them to take the vows at an age when they were unfitted to decide on so grave a matter. The University, indeed, passed certain statutes to meet these evils; but from these the friars, by their interest at the court of Rome, obtained dispensation, so that the authorities of the University were at length obliged to appeal to Parliament—that same Parliament which had so nobly resisted Pope Urban's claim of annual tribute from the realm of England—from which they obtained an act providing, “ That as well the Chancellor and scholars as the friars should in all school exercises use each other in friendly wise, without any rancour, as before ; that none of their Orders should receive any scholar under the age of eighteen years; that the friars should take no advantage, por procure any bull or other process from Rome against the University, or proceed therein; and that the king have power to redress all controversies between them from henceforth; the offender to be punished at the pleasure of the king and of his Council.” Wycliffe was early mixed up with the strife, and took an active part in the controversy, soon going beyond the narrow bounds of the original collegiate dispute, and making it, for a time at least, the chief object of his life to expose the false principles, the proud and hollow pretensions, the iniquitous and corrupt practices of the Mendicant Orders. He describes the friars' sermons of his day as made up of “fables, chronicles of the world, and stories from the siege of Troy ;' and thus characterises the indulgences and absolutions with

close of the same year, was chosen Master or Warden of Balli) College.

The payment of a thousand marks annually as tribute fror the nation of England to which King John had unconstituts ally bound himself and his successors had, at this period, bu discontinued for about thirty years. But in 1365, Edward IIL received an unexpected communication from Pope t'rban 5. De only demanding a renewal of the payment, but also the disehat of the accumulated arrears. Edward III. laid the matter befus his Parliament; and Wycliffe has reported to us the speech of some of the great Barons on this important occasion. The opposed the Papal claims in the most distinct and unceremon manner; the last speaker uttering these remarkable words press! with the germ of English liberty :-“I wonder that you do not att lay your hand upon the entire illegality of the original transaction be King John bound himself without legal consent of the kingdom No golden seal of royalty, nor the seals of a few lords, whom the king coerced to join him, could supply the place of the natres consent, or give validity to the deed. That deed, therefore, s e : be treated as a nullity." Ultimately, the three estates of the me solemnly decided that “Inasmuch as neither King John, nor arr other king could bring his realm and kingdom into such thn): :" and subjection, but by common assent of Parliament, the w was not given; therefore, that which he did was agan L oath at his coronation. If, therefore, the Pope should attempt a:. thing against the king by process or other matters in deel, tbri: with all his subjects should, with all their force and power, in : same.” This noble assertion of national rights, and uncomprum' defiance of papal usurpations, was conveyed to Rome, when I-te: prudently withdrew his demands, and relinquished his claim to co supremacy over the nation of England. Wycliffe came up for Oxford to be present at the meeting of this famous Parliamus:, 2: also on account of a controversy which had sprung up between! University of Oxford and the Mendicant Friars, in which be * deeply interested, and in which, for the remainder of his life. Ir aus destined to take a prominent part, as the ablest opponent of pretensions of those mendicant orders. Dr. Hanna gives an sin. rable account of the rise of these begging fraternities, founded in . earlier part of the thirteenth century, by St. Dominica Francis. They were distinguished from the more ancient 1-DA orders by a fundamental rule that, neither individually bar tively, could they hold any property, but should depend for 15. subsistence on the alms of the faithful. In another important reticular, too, they differed. The older monastic orders, for the part, were devoted to lives of retirement and seclusion from the *... It was not so with the Dominicans and Franciscans. Their w & career of active missionary itinerancy among the people. 11 . the first twenty or thirty years of their existence, the man orders, animated by the zeal of their founders, devoted : :

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