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insidious and perhaps more substantial are the arguments founded upon the steady and rapid growth of the feeling of Imperial unity among all the members of the body corporate of the Empire. To say that free trade is in danger would be an exaggeration, but its principles are to-day assailed with a boldness that would have been impossible in the days when the old Manchester School controlled our economic policy, and it is evident that its friends will have to be on the alert if they are to avert disaster. But a greater danger than the active protectionist policy of our rivals is that which has chiefly engaged the attention of public men who have discussed the question during the month. It is the want of education, of a thorough scientific training in all departments of industry, that constitutes our real peril. We are slowly awakening to the fact. Some of our competitors, notably the Germans, have gone far ahead of us in scientific knowledge and attainment, and have made it difficult even for British energy and resourcefulness to enable us to overtake them in the race. Our eyes, which have been so rudely opened during the last eighteen months to the slipshod organisation of our public departments and to the need for putting the Government of the country upon a business footing, are beginning to see that in this matter the administration of the State resembles too closely that of our gigantic industry and commerce. The prevailing depression has been increased by our slow and reluctant perception of this fact. The most hopeful feature of the situation is that the first step towards the removal of a danger is to realise its existence and understand its nature.
In the wider field of foreign affairs no event of the first importance has happened during the month. The interminable Chinese Question has advanced another stage. The note embodying the demands of the Powers has been accepted, and, with certain protests, signed by the Commissioners of the Chinese Government. The alarms generated by the aggressive action of Russia in Manchuria, if not actually dispelled, have been lessened by the customary explanations in which Russian diplomatists excel, and the civilised world awaits the next step in the Far East with patience. It cannot be said, however, that the history of Lord Salisbury's action in China during the last four years has been such as to give his fellowcountrymen much confidence in his power to hold his own in the severe though hidden struggle which is now being carried on at Pekin. One of the disquieting features of the month has been the manifest desire of the United States Government to take a prominent if not the leading part in the settlement of political affairs which a few years ago would have been considered as altogether outside its domain. Public opinion in the United States not only seems to favour this active foreign policy of the Washington Cabinet, but any action on the part of the President which is likely to
promote a closer union with Russia. Meanwhile the attitude of the Senate with regard to the Nicaragua Canal continues to be based upon the idea that treaties and international engagements, however solemn, that happen to conflict with the desires of the American politicians of to-day, are things to be set aside without regard to the feelings or interests of other parties to the contract. It cannot in these circumstances be said that the domestic gloom in which the century has opened for Great Britain is relieved by a survey of the field of foreign politics. The one redeeming feature in that field. seems to be the hope that by giving adequate compensation we may be able to secure the abrogation of those French treaty rights on the shores of Newfoundland which have so long been regarded as a danger to our peace.
The death of the Bishop of London was an event that stirred the public mind deeply, though the emotion caused by the illness and death of the Queen naturally diverted attention from the loss which the Church of England and the community at large had suffered. Without pretending or attempting to do justice to the many great qualities of Dr. Creighton, I may at least point to the fact that during his brief tenure of the high office he held at the time of his death, he had won the confidence and respect of the people of London to an extent that may fairly be called unprecedented. As a scholar and historian he had long enjoyed a great reputation; as an ecclesiastical dignitary of the first rank he had made his mark at Peterborough and during his mission to Moscow at the coronation of the Czar. It was not in either of these capacities that he succeeded in establishing his remarkable hold upon the great world of London. It was as the man of affairs, and, in the best sense of the term, the man of the world, that he achieved his success here. His love of irony, and his constant employment of it in his utterances, both public and private, may have bewildered some who heard him, but did not give offence. People were, indeed, attracted to him rather than repelled by their knowledge that he might always be expected to say something new and possibly humorous upon any subject that he handled. The breadth of his sympathies, which travelled far beyond the limits of the Church of England and the episcopal bench, was an additional link between him and men and women of all classes and creeds; whilst his unceasing industry in the promotion of every good cause, his open contempt for shams, however fashionable they might be for the moment, and his sincere enthusiasm for humanity, drew to him the affectionate confidence of innumerable men and women. He had, as everybody knows, to face a critical period in the history of the Church in which he occupied so prominent a position. He was far too human in his characteristics not to make some mistakes; but the verdict pronounced upon him at his death by the organs of all religious bodies,
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both in the Church and out of it, proved that, alike as a man and an ecclesiastical administrator, he had achieved a success such as falls to few of those who have to play a conspicuous part before the public eye. The Church of England has good reason to mourn the premature close of a career as useful as it was honourable and brilliant.
Some small excitement has been caused during the month by the speech of the Duke of Norfolk, in which, as the leader of a body of English pilgrims, he assured the Pope of the desire of the members of the Roman Catholic Church in this country to see the temporal power of the Papacy restored. It would not have mattered if this language, natural enough on the lips of a member of the Romish Church, had been used by a private person, however high his rank and illustrious his lineage. But the Duke of Norfolk was recently a member of the Government, and as such a political significance was attached to his utterances by the Italian press which they did not as a matter of fact possess. It was an indiscretion on the part of the Duke that he should have forgotten the restraints which men who enter the circle of ministerial life are bound to place upon their utterances. But there is happily reason to regard the incident as being at an end, without harm being suffered by anybody.
MY WAYS AND DAYS IN EUROPE AND
IT has been suggested to me that if I jot down a few facts about my ways and days in Europe and in India, they will interest people in England, in the same way, though not perhaps to the same extent, as those recently published concerning the Amir of Afghanistan.
Circumstances, and particularly my health, which has now much improved, have made me from time to time a great traveller, as Indians go, but I spend generally most of my time in Baroda, in the palace which was commenced during my minority, and finished after I succeeded to the throne. The cost of the palace without the grounds was nearly 200,000l. It is built in the Hindoo-Saracenic style of architecture, and so far as I am concerned leaves nothing to be desired, though as to the interior and the size and shape of the rooms, much exception could be taken. It does not comprise all the conveniences of a European house, nor has it all the advantages of an Indian palace.
Since 1884, I have paid four or five visits to Europe, and my periods of absence have extended in all to about three years.
For three years I suffered from a disease which was afterwards found to be neurasthenia. My doctors, officers, and friends not only did not notice that I was suffering, but were rather inclined to scoff at my illness. Ultimately I suffered so much from sleeplessness that I had to resort to the advice of European doctors, and Sir William Moore, head of the Bombay Medical Department, was the first man who rightly, I think, judging from results, recommended a visit to Europe.
The climate of Baroda is very hot and trying, especially to those who devote their energies to mental work. It will be always necessary for me to go away to a better climate for some months in the year. It is now becoming quite a common thing for families to move to the hill stations that never thought of going to such places fifteen years ago. Many of the hill stations in India are so invaded by such people that even European officials are beginning to find
great difficulty in securing houses. There is no hill station in Baroda, and if I wish for a change, I must go away to a distance of six days' journey to the Himalayas, the Nilgiris, or elsewhere.
I generally get up about seven o'clock and have my bath, after which I give some money to the Brahmins, who recite a short prayer in my presence. Such money is now given not only to Brahmins but also to men of other castes. The amount of the gift is about 31. each morning, and the Brahmins are either the family priests or some of their deputies. The prayer is to the effect that the alms are given for absolution from sin, an invocation of blessings on the house, a petition to God for pardon, and for the prosperity of the State.
Beside this private devotion, there are also regular prayers and ceremonies in the family temple, which is in the palace precincts. The character of the service held in the temple depends upon the day or season; there is, for instance, the day of offerings for the dead, and the day of birthday ceremonies. During the season for mourning, all such ceremonies cease.
After my private devotions, I take a light early breakfast, consisting of milk and a little bread, after which I ride or drive, and on my return from taking exercise I read, for instance, philosophy, and I compare our own systems with those of Greece. I also read English, Indian, Greek and Roman history, and take particular interest in Gibbon, upon whose great work I have myself written an essay. Bryce's Democracy, the works of Tocqueville, Mill and Fawcett also form part of my studies. I approve of the line of thought in Herbert Spencer's Treatise on Education, but I do not read his works on philosophy. I have been a careful student of Shakespeare, and I am very devoted to Bentham on legislation, and Maine upon ancient law.
A professor or expert generally comes to me to read, and to discuss the subjects I am studying.
I take my mid-day meal at 11 o'clock with my children, and some of the gentlemen of my staff. Our breakfast is of a European character, both as regards the materials eaten and the manner of serving, but some of the dishes are European and some Indian. No wine and nothing alcoholic is served, neither, of course, anything made of, or in any way connected with, beef. It occupies about an hour, after which I take a rest, unless there is important work to do; but more often I have at once to attend to affairs of State.
Fixed days are allotted for the heads of different departments, and if the work is very important, my Minister brings it himself. Of course, I see him frequently in any case.
The papers are sent two or three days beforehand to my private secretary, that I may read them up. My orders are given in writing, and on certain subjects all orders are signed by myself. I insist on