ter, upon whom the odium or merit of the government measures personally fell, was the first secretary of the lord lieutenant. Through his mouth did his excellency speak to the House of Commons: from him did the nation expect the reason, and upon him chiefly rested the responsibility of the government measures in the belief of the public. His sentiments were of course concluded to be in perfect unison with the lord lieutenant, as his voice was the organ of his excellency. To this particular period of time must be referred the resignation of general sir Ralph Abercrombie and the extorted renovation and extension of the system of coercion and terrorism. It appears then, that Mr. Pelham, however earnest and firm he had been in opposing Catholic emancipation and parliamentary reform, which two questions earl Camden had avowedly been sent to oppose, was very far from approving the harsh and sanguinary means of dragooning the people into submission, which had been for some time practised and were intended to be persevered in; a system* extorted from the chief governor. He resolved therefore to retire from a situation, in which he was under the necessity of giving official countenance and support to a system, which in principle he abhorred, and which he knew to have been extorted from the chief governor, whose immediate and responsible agent he was before the public. The last time he spoke in public was on sir Lawrence Parsons's motion, which he opposed in a manner that evidently betrayed the uneasiness of his own situation.† He soon

"Irrita

* This system at this time (viz. 5th April, 1798,) Mr. Grattan has thus described. (Pet. W. C. p. 12.) "Here we perceive and lament the effects of "inveteracy, conceived by his majesty's ministers against the Irish. ⚫ble and quellable, devoted to superstition, deaf to law, and hostile to pro"perty;" such was the picture, which at different times his ministers in Ire"land have painted of his people, with a latent view to flatter the English by "the degradation of the Irish, and by such sycophantship and malice, they "have persuaded themselves to consider their fellow subjects as a different "species of human creature, fair objects of religious proscription and political "incapacities, but not of moral relationship, or moral obligation; accordingly "they have afforded indemnity for the rich, and new pains and penalties for the "people; they have given felonious descriptions of his majesty's subjects, and "have easily persuaded themselves to exercise felonious practices against their "lives and properties; they have become as barbarous as their system, and as "savage as their own description of their country men and their equals; and now "it seems they have communicated to the British minister, at once, their delete"rious maxims and their foul expressions, and he too indulges and wantons in villainous discourses against the people of Ireland, sounding the horrid trumpet of carnage and separation. Thus the language of the ministers becomes an encouragement to the army to murder the Irish.

We leave these scenes, they are dreadful: a ministry in league with the "abettors of the Orangeboys and at war with the people: a people unable to procure a hearing in either country, while the loquacity of their enemies "besieges the throne."

"An

On that occasion the right honourable secretary spoke as follows. insinuation had been let fail, as if some military orders of the commander in

VOL. IV.

after retired; lord Castlereagh was appointed to succeed Mr. Pelham, and we find, that on the 23d of April, 1798,* his lordship acquainted the House of Commons, that his excellency had ordered a message to be delivered to the house, that his majesty had under the alarming circumstances of the nation, ordered over two regiments of foreigners, in order to increase the regular force of that kingdom. And on the same day Mr. Vandeleur made a motion that lord Castlereagh having since his election for Down, accepted the office of chief secretary to his excellency the lord lieutenant, his seat in that house was thereby vacated. It

"chief, sir Ralph Abercrombie, who was not recalled, (he resigned) bore the "complexion of difference with the cabinet; those orders had merely for “their object the discipline of the army, than which to perfect there was not "an officer existing better qualified, nor one who had more and better soldiers "for the empire. He credited the good intentions of the honourable mover, "but did he think that in applying to him measures of coercion, that they em"braced the whole nation, God forbid! He had always a confidence in the majority of the Irish people, and he trusted that the dispositions and efforts of "the country gentlemen would soon render that majority more decisive in the expression of its sentiments. The honourable baronet had but lightly touch"ed on the two objects of conciliation: was it because an examination would "make them less defensible? Adverting to part of sir Lawrence Parsons's "speech, which asserted that the popular acts, since 1783, were only given to "stave off reform, Mr. Pelham observed, that the granting those was a progres "sive reform, and therefore the wisest that could be adopted. The honoura"ble baronet dated the discontents of this country from the recal of earl Fitz"william: this was a subject on which he (Mr. Pelham) felt delicate; the "consequence of that recal was his arrival in the country, the state of which "at that time could not be supposed to render his situation peculiarly pleasing “or inviting, but he did his duty. The war also was stated as a cause of dis" content; how then could these be reconciled? or was it to be supposed, that "if the war were a cause of discontent, the people of Ireland should feel sa"tisfied with a nobleman who was uniformly one of the most strenuous sup "porters of that war? Mr. Pelham, then, in justification of the measures of "the present administration, entered into a retrospection of the disturbances prevailing in that kingdom since the year 1793, and the laws, to which they "gave birth.

He adverted to the autumn of 1796, when the idea of an invasion prevailed, " and when the hopes and daring conduct of the northern insurgents made it "necessary to issue the orders, under which general Lake acted: he read the "proclamation of that officer, which had been so much and so often the sub"ject of misrepresentation, proving from its language, the dispositions which "directed it to have been the protection of his majesty's peaceable and well disposed subjects, and it must be allowed that a measure so strong was ne"ver carried into execution with so much tenderness to those against whom "it applied. He disclaimed any wish on the part of government to irritate "the public mind, or any portion of it; on the contrary, every member of that "government deeply regretted that any such feelings should obtain for a mo"ment; but they were determined to oppose rebellion by every means which "they were empowered to use, and which the public welfare demanded."

17 Com. Jour. p. 314.

In a debate of the commons on the 24th of April, it was objected to Mr. Vandeleur, that the question had been set to rest by the vote of that house negativing the motion for lord Castlereagh's seat having been vacated by the acceptance of office, on the 6th of the month, which was Good Friday, (17 Com.

was strongly insisted upon by Mr. Vandeleur, and the few gentlemen who supported him, that from the usage of parliament since the passing of the place bill, from reason, analogy, and the words and spirit of that act, the place of the secretary came within the purvieu of it: it was resisted by the majority of the house, and of course the question was lost.

It has ever been the fatal bane of Ireland to be torn by some internal dissention or disunion. Scarcely had the foul spirit of discord began to be extinguished in the kingdom at large, (that singular epoch dates its origin from the administration of the marquis of Buckingham) than it enkindled a fresh and more scorching flame in some particular districts. Armagh for some years kept up the execrable spirit: from thence it extended, and it is to be feared, will be found still to infect the society of Orangemen in its present enlarged establishment. Those who composed that society for some years had signalized themselves by a ferocious system of severity and revenge against their opponents, whether Defenders or United Irishmen, under the assumption of the countenance or the actual connivance of government. There existed at this time a party, on whom the great weight of political influence and power had devolved, which was only to be kept up by the disunion of those whose coalition must naturally outweigh and crush that monopoly of power, whether it were acquired by accident or design. Once the Orangemen had been encouraged by government in taking upon themselves the tone and function of affording protection, it became necessary for them to do away the odium which they had incurred (rightly or wrongly no matter) with the mass of the people, who were Roman Catholics, from their past conduct. Some gentlemen therefore of that society at this time came forward and published an address to the public, which strongly disclaimed all the imputa

Jour. p. 313.) He acquitted himself of having been absent from the house through negligence of his duty on the day on which this resolution, eversive of the law of the land, passed. It was a day set apart in every christian state for a solemn observance of religious duties; and he challenged the right honourable member to say, whether on the journals of parliament there was to be found a single instance of public business having been done by the house on Good Friday. Had he believed it possible, that on such a day the house would have proceeded to decide a question of such importance without any notice hav ing been given to gentlemen of that intention, he should, ill as he was on that day, have attended in his place, and given his warmest opposition to the reso. lution. With respect to the measure itself, the right honourable gentleman had conceded that it was contrary to the spirit of the act, and he justified it only by entering into a subtile distinction between the "crown" and the "executive power:" but he was convinced, that every man of plain and sound understanding would see that the legislature when they passed this act, meant by the word "crown," the executive power of the state, and that their object was to preserve the independence of parliament from the growing influence of that branch of the government.

tions and charges of their enemies, and expressed the most purified loyalty. Certain it is, that the opposite parties availed themselves alternately of the advantage of misrepresenting their antagonists. In one district reports prevailed, that the Papists intended a general massacre of all the Protestants: in another, the Papists assembled and armed in great numbers under the threats, apprehensions, and terrors of having their throats cut by the Orangemen. Mutual recrimination and false charges became

This was the form of their address.

"To the Loyal Subjects of Ireland.

"FROM the various attempts that have been made to poison the public "mind, and slander those who have had the spirit to adhere to their king and "constitution, and to maintain the laws,

"We the Protestants of Dublin, assuming the name of Orangemen, feel "ourselves called upon, not to vindicate our principles, for we know that our "honour and loyalty bid defiance to the shafts of malevolence and disaffection, "but openly to disavow these principles and declare to the world the objects "of our institution.

"We have long observed with indignation, the efforts that have been made "to foment rebellion in this kingdom, by the seditious, who have formed "themselves into societies under the specious name of United Irishmen.

"We have seen with pain the lower orders of our fellow subjects forced or "seduced from their allegiance, by the threats and machinations of traitors. "And we have viewed with horror the successful exertions of miscreants to encourage a foreign enemy to invade this happy land, in hopes of rising into "consequence, on the downfall of their country.

"We therefore thought it high time to rally round the constitution, and "pledge ourselves to each other to maintain the laws and support our good "king against all his enemies, whether rebels to their God or to their country, "and by so doing, shew to the world that there is a body of men in this "island, who are ready in the hour of danger, to stand forward in the defence "of that grand palladium of our liberty, the constitution of Great Britain and "Ireland, obtained and established by the courage and loyalty of our ances. "tors, under the great king William.

"Fellow subjects, we are accused of being an institution founded on prin"ciples too shocking to repeat, and bound together by oaths, at which human "nature would shudder; but we caution you not to be led away by such male"volent falsehoods, for we solemnly assure you in the presence of the Almighty "God, that the idea of injuring any one on account of his religious opinion never entered into our hearts! We regard every loyal subject as our friend, "be his religion what it may, we have no enmity but to the enemies of our "country.

"We further declare, that we are ready at all times, to submit ourselves to "the orders of those in authority under his majesty, and that we will cheer"fully undertake any duty which they should think proper to point out for us, "in case either a foreign enemy shall dare to invade our coasts, or that a do"mestic foe should presume to raise the standard of rebellion in the land; to "these principles we are pledged, and in support of them we are ready to shed "the last drop of our blood.

"Signed by order of the several lodges in Dublin, for selves and other

"masters.

"Thomas Verner,

"Edward Ball,

"John Claudius Beresford,

"William James,

"Isaac Dejoncourt."

*

meritorious with each party: and the preparations made to resist these fictitious alarms generally produced mischief from the mere circumstance of an armed multitude assembling. The mischief of the association of Orangemen consisted in the principle of national disunion, which it essentially went to establish in perpetuity, that it gained no credit with the lower classes of Roman Catholics. It is impossible, that in a large community any particular society or collection of individuals, who meet with the countenance and encouragement of government, shutting out the great bulk of their fellow subjects from their society, should not create As the now jealousy and discontent amongst the excluded. avowed object of this confederated body of Orangemen was to preserve public order, and to make head against the United Irishmen and all other enemies to the state, the exclusion of the Catholics from their society was considered by the generality of the people (however it may have been really intended by the Orangemen) as an indirect charge or open intimation, that the Catholics made a common cause with the United Irishmen, and abetted those principles, to combat which the Orangemen now professed to have united. This presumption or insinuation necessarily created civil and political rivalry, jealousy and dissention: the annexing of the condition of Protestantism to the admission into their society, was rivetting the old, or creating a new ground of religious dissention, and consequently of rancour and animosity, which our benificent sovereign had so often parentally and majestically recommended to his people to dispel and entomb for ever. As long as Orangemen or any other society of Irishmen form into societies under this religious distinction, it is impossible, that disunion, disaffection, jealousy, resentment, and all the black train of internal discord, should not thrive and rankle throughout the nation. Whilst such societies exist, religious distinctions can never subside.†

"I took,"

* Reverend Mr. Gordon's history of the Irish Rebellion, p. 32. says this author, "once in particular, an opportunity to read the declaration to " a number of my neighbours of this description, adding some comments "from myself to persuade them into a belief of its sincerity. They said

among themselves, see there now; it is not as we were told;' and other "words to the same purpose; and all seemed satisfied that they had been de "ceived. Yet, when I met some of them the following day, and spoke on the "subject, they said that no reliance could be placed in such declarations, as "Orangemen had entered into engagements, one with another, which were "kept profoundly secret from all other people."

† Many attempts have been made to defend the principles of the Orange confederacy from the charges of cruelty, yet has it appeared to several of their opponents, that government had no doubt of the original existence of such an oath of extermination, at least amongst some of the lower fanatics of that soci ety, from their examination of Mr. O'Connor; although not by the means or with the concurrence of government, (Mem. p. 52.)