"been myself a witness of it in many instances; I have seen it "practised and unchecked; and the effects that have resulted "from it have been such, as I have stated to your lordships. I "have said, that if such a tyranny be persevered in, the consequence must inevitably be, the deepest and most universal discontent, and even hatred, to the English name. I have seen in "that country a marked distinction made between the English "and Irish. I have seen troops that have been sent full of this "prejudice, that every inhabitant in that kingdom is a rebel to "the British government. I have seen the most wanton insults "practised upon men of all ranks and conditions. I have seen "the most grievous oppressions exercised, in consequence of a presumption, that the person who was the unfortunate object of "such oppression, was in hostility to the government; and yet "that has been done in a part of the country as quiet and as free "from disturbance as the city of London. Who states these "things, my lords, should, I know, be prepared with proofs. I am prepared with them. Many of the circumstances I know " of my own knowledge; others I have received from such channels, as will not permit me to hesitate one moment in giving "credit to them.

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"His lordship then observed, that from education and early "habits, the Curfew was ever considered by Britons as a badge "of slavery and oppression. It then was practised in Ireland "with brutal rigor. He had known an instance, where a master "of a house had in vain pleaded to be allowed the use of a can"dle to enable the mother to administer relief to her daughter "struggling in convulsive fits. In former times, it had been the "custom for Englishmen to hold the infamous proceedings of the "inquisition in detestation: one of the greatest horrors, with "which it was attended, was, that the person, ignorant of the "crime laid to his charge, or of his accuser, was torn from his "family, immured in a prison, and in the most cruel uncertainty "as to the period of his confinement, or the fate which awaited "him. To this injustice, abhorred by Protestants in the practice "of the inquisition, were the people of Ireland exposed. All "confidence-all security were taken away. In alluding to the "inquisition, he had omitted to mention one of its characteristic "features: if the supposed culprit refused to acknowledge the "crime with which he was charged, he was put to the rack, to "extort confession of whatever crime was alleged against him by "the pressure of torture. The same proceedings had been in"troduced in Ireland. When a man was taken up on suspicion, "he was put to the torture; nay, if he were merely accused of "concealing the guilt of another. The rack, indeed, was not at "hand; but the punishment of picqueting was in practice, which

at

had been for some years abolished, as too inhuman, even in "the dragoon service. He had known a man, in order to extort confession of a supposed crime, or of that of some of his neighbours, picqueted till he actually fainted; picqueted a se"cond time till he fainted again; and as soon as he came to him"self, picqueted a third time till he once more fainted; and all upon mere suspicion! Nor was this the only species of torture: men had been taken and hung up till they were half dead, "and then threatened with a repetition of the cruel treatment, “unless they made confession of the imputed guilt. These were "not particular acts of cruelty, exercised by men abusing the power committed to them, but they formed a part of our sys"tem. They were notorious, and no person could say, who "would be the next victim of this oppression and cruelty which

he saw others endure. This, however, was not all; their "lordships, no doubt, would recollect the famous proclamation "issued by a military commander in Ireland, requiring the peo"ple to give up their arms: it never was denied that this procla "mation was illegal, though defended on some supposed neces"sity; but it was not surprising, that any reluctance had been "shewn to comply with it, by men who conceived the constitu❝tion gave them a right to keep arms in their houses for their “ own defence; and they could not but feel indignation in being "called upon to give up their right. In the execution of the or"der, the greatest cruelties had been committed: if any one was "suspected to have concealed weapons of defence, his house, his "furniture, and all his property, was burnt: but this was not all; "if it were supposed that any district had not surrendered al "the arms which it contained, a party was sent out to collect the "number at which it was rated; and, in the execution of this "order, thirty houses were sometimes burnt down in a single "night. Officers took upon themselves to decide discretionally "the quantity of arms; and upon their opinions these fatal con86 sequences followed. Many such cases might be enumerated; "but, from prudential motives, he wished to draw a veil over "more aggravated facts, which he could have stated, and which "he was willing to attest before the privy council, or at their "lordships' bar. These facts were well known in Ireland, but

they could not be made public through the channel of the news"papers, for fear of that summary mode of punishment which "had been practised towards the Northern Star, when a party of troops in open day, and in a town where the general's headquarters were, went and destroyed all the offices and property belonging to that paper. It was thus authenticated accounts were suppressed. His lordship concluded, with entreating the "house to take into serious consideration their present measures,

"which, instead of removing discontents, had increased the "number of the discontented. The moment of conciliation was "not yet passed; but if the system were not changed, he was convinced Ireland would not remain connected with this coun"try five years longer."

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Lord Grenville, in reply, said, that it was a matter of no small difficulty to enter into the question now brought forward, on the vague grounds and isolated facts, upon which it was supported. He expressed his surprise to hear this government accused of hostile dispositions towards the sister country, or eager to keep up in it a system of coercion. He confidently appealed to the house, whether we had ever abandoned measures of concession or conciliation? For the whole space of thirty years, his majesty's government had been distinguished by the same uniform tenderness of regard, by the same adherence to the principles of a mild system. Amongst the various instances exhibited of liberality and kindness on the part of this country towards Ireland, he adverted to the establishment of its parliament into an independent legislature, and a wide extension of its commercial privileges. It was no arduous task to exonerate government from any charges of in humanity. Bravery, clemency, and good nature, were the characteristic features of the English disposition. That there might be individual exceptions, he pretended not to say; but, if such excesses were perpetrated, were there no courts of justice, no laws, no magistrates, no tribunals, open to the complaints of the oppressed? Ireland had its juries as well as this country; and the same safeguards were provided for the lives of the Irish as for Englishmen. Indeed, if a system so rigorous as was described, had been pursued, it must naturally be resented by a spirited and independent people. But what was the object for which these troops were sent over? To protect the great body of the people against conspiracy and assassination; to overawe and counteract the machinations of a set of men, who were actively plotting the destruction of their country, and favouring the designs of our most inveterate enemy. If against such men they had been at times incited to acts of harshness and severity; if they had been occasionally warmed into a sense of indignation, which broke out into insults and outrages, no one, who understood the heart of man, would wonder. What was more natural, than that a large body of Englishmen should be enraged against the abettors of a conspiracy, to deliver up the country to the French invaders? No public man, placed in so critical a situation as lord Camden, had ever displayed more exemplary moderation in the discharge of a painful duty. If severe measures had been adopted, the circumstances of the country had required it; and if any partial abuses existed, we had only to lament them.

Of the press, which was said to be abridged of all its freedom most unjustly, he held now in his hand a paper printed, the contents of which were too shocking to read: its avowed object was to point out innocent men, by name, to the poignard of assassins. It loaded his majesty with the most opprobrious epithets, and reviled the English nation with every term of contumely, affirming it to be the duty of every Irishman to wrest from the hands of English ruffians, the property which these English ruffians had wrested from their ancestors. The question was, would their lordships interpose on the present occasion, and tell the parliament of Ireland, and the Irish magistracy, that we were more careful of the interest and happiness of their people than they themselves were; and that the English military were not to obey the Irish laws, but the arbitrary instructions of the British parliament? Earl Moira said, that no sentiment had fallen from him to that effect. He had not reprobated the troops in Ireland for obeying the law, but the conduct of the executive government, which was repugnant to the feelings of the Irish people, inconsistent with the British character, and highly injurious to the real interests of both countries.

The chancellor warmly supported lord Grenville, as he said it was his duty to do. He justified all acts of rigor, by the actual existence of an horrid conspiracy in Ireland against all those whose duty it was to preserve order in that country, and by the printed list of the individual objects of future assassination. The debate was put an end to by a motion for adjournment.

That the public had lost or renounced all confidence in parliament, is evident, from the apathy and coolness with which the elections went over in the autumn: they felt no interest in the return of particular members, having been so repeatedly foiled in all their efforts to obtain legislative redress from the rank ma

As this proscribed list was never acted upon, and the individuals named in it never found it necessary to resort to any extraordinary caution, or means of self preservation; as secrecy was the baneful principle of the union, and as such a publication would have defeated the horrid project, had it ever been really formed, much credit must be given to lord Moira's reply to the chancellor on this point. As to the paper to which the noble and learned lord, and the noble secretary had alluded, concerning the names of persons who were marked out for future assassination, he confessed, he suspected it to be an invention to justify or to support the measures, which had been adopted in Ireland, and of which he had already complained. He suspected this the more, because no printer of a newspaper could have had it from any authentic source, for no man concerned in a conspiracy for assassination, would communicate the intention of himself and colleagues. He wished to speak of assassins as he felt, with the greatest indignation and abhorrence; but he must also add, that he believed that they originated in Ireland from private malice and revenge, and would do so from any party that happened to be predominant, while the present dreadful system continued. It was not by a general system of terror that it was to be prevented,

jorities, which had been lately increased in proportion to the popular exertions to procure the two objects of their wishes, parlia mentary reform and Catholic emancipation. True it is, that these two points were made pretexts, catch words, and stalking horses by the traitorous conspirators; but for no other reason, than because they knew them to be the genuine favourite, and not unjust objects of the popular affections and expectations: objects which flattered their civil and religious propensities and prejudices: objects which satisfied their reasoning, which inte rested their feelings, and worked up their passions to enthusiasm: objects which these perfidious traitors now wished to be opposed with coercion, oppression, and persecution, in order to stimulate the people to discontent and resentment. Mr. Grattan had not a little increased or confirmed this diffidence of the people in the legislature, by declining to accept a seat in the new parliament. His colleague lord Henry Fitzgerald concurred with him, and accordingly published an address to his constituents, setting forth the reasons which had induced him to secede from parliament. The diffidence and contempt of the people out of doors for the parliament was much increased by the leaders of the union, who thus artfully drew their attention to their two favourite objects, parliamentary reform and Catholic emancipation, to which parliament had given so decided an opposition.

The new parliament met, according to proclamation, on the 9th of January, 1798; Mr. Foster was re-elected speaker. On the 15th his excellency went to the House of Peers, where he made a

Mr. Grattan's speech to a meeting of freemen and freeholders of the city of Dublin, assembled at the Exchange on the 20th of July, 1797, together with lord Henry Fitzgerald's address, are to be seen in the Appendix, No. CVIII.

Dr. Duigenan almost immediately published a very violent and bitter answer to Mr. Grattan's address to his fellow citizens of Dublin. Upon its appearance, Mr. Grattan wrote the following note to dr. Duigenan :

"Mr. Grattan has seen a very gross, a very unprovoked, and a very ludicrous performance written against him, and signed Patrick Duigenan. "Mr. G. don't explain his public conduct to individuals.

"The statute book and the journals of the House of Commons are open. "Were he to make his public conduct a subject of explanation, it would not "be to such a person as dr. D.

"But as the above mentioned attack mixes in its folly much personal rude"ness, Mr. G. judges it not wholly beneath him to take some sort of no"tice of it; and he is sorry to be forced to observe, that the author has "departed from the manners and language of a gentleman, and has "thought proper to adopt a strain so false, so vile, and so disgusting, as "to render dr. D. a too... and ludicrous to give an af

"front, or to make an apology.

...

"Mr. Grattan remains in Dublin for three days, and is to be heard of at "Kearn's hotel, Kildare-street."