honourable nature can be engaged: the victory was well worthy of the contest; it is the highest which a citizen can enjoy, or a patriot could have conferred. Ireland required such a man. He was the first viceroy who, since Lord Fitzwilliam, seems to have fully understood her character, and devoted himself with real and heartfelt earnestness, to her cause. By far too many of her former rulers reasoned and felt about her, as about a country whose sole utility was, the providing them with the means of bettering or retrieving their fortunes. They came to plunder, or to economise; gathered up their vintage, and then, like the inhabitants of Naples, turned away from the sides of the volcano. But the Marquess of Anglesey thought of the country first, and of himself last,-this, and this only, was the secret of his power. No man ever ruled Ireland so completely, yet he ruled her with a silken thread. He seized fully the national heart, and after that, every thing was easy. Mutual esteem, mutual attachment, was the bond: he was the best servant at the same time of the sovereign, and the most popular leader of the people.

The first mention of his name in Ireland excited a momentary triumph on one side and the deepest despondency on the other. The false

report of a few unfavourable expressions in Parliament had sunk deep into the Catholic heart. It was some time before they could be prevailed on to forgive him. But as they mutually approached each other, both saw, both repented, and both forgave their mutual distrusts. Every act of his government tended more powerfully to cement this union. We shall see later, with what cool and kindly persuasion, in times beyond comparison the most difficult since the period of 1798, he brought over the country to its own good. We shall see how he stood between all parties, tempering and staying all how he enlightened the cabinet, and how he tranquillised the people: how he actually did what Lord Fitzwilliam wished to do: how he had the courage and the wisdom to give, all that a lord-lieutenant was permitted to give, for the liberation and pacification of the country.

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CHAP. X.

Churchwardens-Liberal Clubs-Brunswick Clubs-How composed-State of parties-Clare Election-Mission of Mr. Lawless to the North-Reconciliation meetings, &c. in the South-The Army-Exclusive Dealing, &c.

THE apprehensions which were at first entertained of the Marquess of Anglesey's hostility to the Catholics and their cause, were soon dissipated. The Association was not suppressed: the country was not kindled by coercive statutes: "the rebellion was not made to explode:" discussion was allowed to proceed; and the people to advance in their peaceable course of constitutional agitation, to the complete restoration of their rights.

It may have been observed by the reader, that the greater proportion of the late measures of the Association were chiefly directed towards the improving into a more complete system of organization, the spirit which now had been so

universally roused in the Catholic body. But frequent interruptions and deficiencies were still observable, calling for the active and judicious interference of the leaders. The Rent still continued to be partially collected; and though the country had been repeatedly promised, in the opening of the budget of each year, that 50,000/. could with certainty be counted upon, the deficit still remained unredeemed, and no measures yet adopted had provided for the evil either an adequate, or permanent cure. These deficiencies, too, had not originated from the people themselves: whenever they were called upon by their clergy, or the members of the Association, or the principal landholders of the parish, the people on all occasions evinced a zeal, which outstript the most sanguine anticipations. But the system was radically bad: it had been left too much to the option and guidance of individuals: in some parishes it had been collected with great regularity for months; in others not at all. This unequal distribution produced two evils; the unjust application of the burden to one portion of the community, and the interruption of that chain of communication, which, to be thoroughly effective, ought to have extended from one extremity of the country to the other. The Census was equally

neglected, or imperfect. Waterford, at an early period, had been carefully and minutely investigated. Dr. Kelly, with his characteristic activity and intelligence, had immediately directed his instructions to every clergyman in his diocese; and was, I believe, the first prelate who presented a complete census of the population to the Association. But his example had not been followed with equal zeal in other parts of Ireland. By far the greater number of the dioceses lay still unexamined; and the parish Census, which had been handed in from time to time, did not furnish sufficient data to form any correct or generalised opinion of the Catholic statistics of Ireland. There was another object, which, of late, had not sufficiently occupied the attention of the Catholic Association. The interests of Catholic education had been passed over, in the larger and more engrossing interests of the body. The Kildare Place establishments had extended, and in many places had succeeded in introducing, that spirit of proselytism, which now was openly avowed in the most remote parts of the country. Irish teach. ers had been employed by the Biblicals, and controversy brought down, with all its multitudinous evils, to the peasant's hearth. It was a matter of great interest to the Catholic Associa

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