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of successful competition with the Protean tactics of an ascendancy cabinet. Duped by the minister, to the Catholic body mysterious and deceitful, betrayed himself, and betraying others, he dragged on his feeble ascendancy, as degrading to the body which admitted it, as to the individual who imposed the yoke, until the insidious motion of 1783, brought forward under the immediate influence of the Castle, but rejected by a large majority of the Committee, produced a renewal of those dissensions which had so long distracted all Catholic councils. This insult, as he construed it to be, was never pardoned. The enmity of his party, after evincing itself in a longcontinued series of degrading altercations, unsubdued by concession, inexorable to every advance, foiled in every project, ended at last in their total discomfiture. The Kenniarites, a designation under which was classed a large portion of the gentry, and I believe all the nobility, seceded indignantly from all co-operation with a body, which they could not disguise from themselves they had long ceased to sway. The evils of the system hitherto adopted now became glaringly conspicuous. They had long been felt of the most fatal consequence. They had principally arisen from a vicious and injudicious admixture of the individual and represen

tative character in the construction of the same body. The representative system of Mr. Wyse, by the junction of the lords and their adherents, had been given up, in an unwise spirit of sacrifice to existing prejudices, and in its place had been substituted a heterogeneous compilation. Several members stood there, in their irresponsible individual capacity, and others again attended as deputies from their fellow citizens.

To remedy these abuses, after a variety of modifications, the celebrated Plan of 1793 was finally adopted. It was preceded by a reconciliation between the Kenmarites or seceders, and the sub-committee, or acting portion of the general committee of 1773. The document which provided for the immediate execution of this project, signed by Edward Byrne, the then secretary, is to be found under the name of "Instructions in W. Tone's Memoirs. The reader will perceive the alterations which the circumstances of the times suggested and required, by comparing them with the original plan of Mr. Wyse.*

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* Association or Committee of Representatives, according to Mr. Wyse's plan in

1760.

1. A member for each

General Committee of Delegates according to W. Tone's plan in 1793.

1. Two or three residents

It is obvious from such comparison, that a very close analogy exists between the two

parish in the city of Dublin, to be chosen at a parochial meeting of the principal inhabitants.

of each parish shall be appointed, as primary electors to meet at some central spot in each county, to choose from

A proportionate number four to one persons to act for each county. as representatives for said. county.

2. Ditto for each principal town or borough.

4. Each nomination to be signed by the clergy, and the principal inhabitants of the place or county.

5. Each election to be carried on as secretly as possible.

6. Such persons only as shall be elected shall constitute the committee; other gentlemen may assist, but shall not enjoy a right to vote.

2. A proportionate number for each town shall be elected for the same purpose.

3. These electors shall appoint associate delegates from the resident inhabitants of Dublin, who shall correspond with the representatives of the counties when absent. 4. No particular signature is required.

5. The election to be carried on in a private house, it being imprudent to convene a general meeting of Catholics for such purposes.

6. In order to insure attendance, besides the precautions just noticed, no one shall be eligible, who shall not solemnly pledge himself to at

plans. The first object of both, under a singular parity of circumstances, was to deliver the body from the dead-weight of aristocratic apathy and pretension; and the second to obtain as fair an expression of the public will as could well be hoped for under the numerous public and private difficulties with which they had to contend. This was originally considered desirable by Mr. Wyse. In consequence of the additional experience how impracticable it was to work the interests of the Catholics by the sub-committee, such an arrangement was now deemed indispensable: In the execution of Mr. Wyse's project, it was found that not only the Dublin members were more constant in their attendance, but that also scarcely any one of the country gentlemen was chosen, or if chosen, subsequently took the trouble to attend the deliberations of the body. In recurring to a similar plan of organization,

The secrecy which was required in both instances was particularly requisite: in the one, by the alarm of Mons. Thurot's invasion a month or two before; in the other, by partial insurrections in various parts of the kingdom, under various names.

tend his duty in Dublin, when required to do so by order of the committee, or at least who shall not promise to attend in his turn. At the same time the county delegates shall not be required to be present except on very important oc

casions.

both these evils were to be avoided-a true organ of public opinion was to be obtained on one side, and on the other a full and frequent attendance. The Dublin members were assiduous; but by the plan of Mr. Wyse they could only be considered as members for Dublin; in other words, as the expression of mere Dublin feeling. It was necessary to give them a more general character. They were associated with the members of the counties, and in some degree acted as their delegates or representatives. Thus in the ordinary course of proceeding, all difficulties were removed, and on extraordinary occasions, when some objection might be made. to such expedient, there was no doubt but the county representatives would make a sort of periodical exertion to appear in their places, and thus give the character of a complete representation of the Catholic body to their assemblies. There was still existing much difficulty in meeting in large masses. Had such meetings actually taken place, it is not unlikely they would have been treated, in the times in which we speak, with much the same sort of severity as the meetings at Manchester in 1812, &c. The plan of 1760 recommended secrecy. The body was crushed and benumbed: none but the middle class acted. In 1791, the nation had

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