the British major's uniform in which he had been dressed by his mentors, and scrambled up a tree out of harm's way.

Sir Hans Sloane, the historian of Jamaica, who was at this time in the Earl of Albemarle's household as his family physician, was present on this occasion, and declared the Governor “did nothing in this matter, being afraid it might be a trick of some people to set up a government for Bucaniers or Pirats." Later English authorities maintain, on the contrary, that the request of the Mosquito chief was granted by the Earl of Albemarle, and the English Mosquito protectorate then and there estab lished. Strange to say these subsequent historians refer to Sir Hans Sloane as their authority.

1

2

Whatever may have been the fate of Jeremy's first mission to Jamaica, it is certain that the settlers were in no way disheartened, for by 1701 they had established a regular English factory on the Mosquito shore, in order to advance their trade relations with the merchants of the Spanish Main. Not long after this, Governor Lawes succeeded the Earl of Albemarle in Jamaica, and hoping to find him more favorably disposed to their cause, the English guardians of Mosquitoland once more sent Jeremy across the main to sue for recognition and protection. This time the Mosquito chief was more successful, for the new Governor did unbend so far as to enter into a private compact with Jeremy, wherein it was

1 Sir Hans Sloane, loc. cit., p. 76.

Bryan Edwards, "History of the West Indies, including Some Accounts of the British Settlements on the Mosquito Shore." London, 1819. Also, Bridges, "Annals of Jamaica."

agreed that in return for money and arms, the Mosquito chief was to provide Governor Lawes with fifty men to hunt down runaway slaves on his island.

This so-called treaty was indeed formally ratified by the Assembly of Jamaica, June 25, 1720, and Jeremy was sent back on a British sloop-of-war, provided, by order of the Governor, with plenty of rum for the voyage. The captain of the sloop returned to Jamaica soon after with Jeremy's fifty warriors according to the contract, and with this agreement fulfilled, the third step in the formal adoption of the Mosquito protectorate was supposed to have been taken.1

A significant, though transitory, dominion on the isthmus, was acquired during these early years by other British subjects operating farther § 39. The south. The isthmus of Panama had, as we British Colony at know, been to all intents and purposes Caledonian abandoned by the Spanish after the final Bay. adoption of the Nicaraguan route for the products of Peru. In 1671, the Welsh buccaneer, Morgan, then 1 Brasseur, loc. cit., Tom. II., pp. 79, 110-III.

Bancroft, loc. cit., "Native Races of the Pacific," Vol. I., pp. 713 and 794. Sir Hans Sloane, loc. cit., Introduction, Vol. I., p. 76.

"Churchill's Voyages," Vol. VI., pp. 297-302, 3d ed. London, 1746. Bryan Edwards, loc. cit., "Accounts of Mosquito Shore Drawn up for British Government, 1773."

Bridges, "Annals of Jamaica," loc. cit.

Long, "History of Jamaica." London, 1774. First ed.

British Accounts and Papers, Vol. lxv., Docs. 13 and 966, with Appendix. Journals of House of Assembly of Jamaica, June, 1720, Vol. II., p. 330. U. S. Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 27, 32d Cong., 2d Sess.

De Kalb, loc. cit., "The Mosquito Race."

"The Mosquito Indian and his Golden Rule," By M. W., 1699, printed for Henry Lintot and John Osborne at the Golden Ball, Paternoster Row, London.

pushed across this isthmus with his band and sacked the little town of Panama. Thinking to find gold in this region, an English freebooter, Captain Sharpe, aided by the Darien Indians, next led a party of his countrymen over the range from Caledonian Bay, in 1680, and attacked the struggling Spanish settlement of Villa Maria on the Tuyra river.

This last expedition brought back no wealth to speak of, but the description of the route as given by Captain Sharpe's companion, Lionel Wafer, produced unlooked for and long-drawn-out effects. According to Mr. Wafer's account, the mountains of this region were not in the shape of a ridge nor of a solid dividing range, but consisted in a row of isolated hills with broad valleys running transversely

between.

William Paterson, a noted Scotchman and one of the founders of the Bank of England, read this ac count with the greatest interest, and thereupon evolved his grand plan of establishing a distributing centre at this point, for the commerce of the world, and thus join the trade of the two Indies. The possession of this isthmus, Paterson maintained, would give to England "the keys of the world," and in his enthusiasm he added, "this door of the seas, this key of the universe, with anything of a reasonable management will enable its proprietors to give laws to both oceans, and become arbitrators of the com mercial world."

Bent on establishing the truth of his predictions, Paterson at once gathered together a band of over a

thousand Scotch colonists, and established his settlement at Caledonian Bay, in 1698. The failure of this bold enterprise can never be laid to the door of Paterson or his hardy Scotch followers. Had the little band received the slightest aid or encouragement from their government, they might easily have driven off the insignificant force of Spanish marines sent out to dislodge them, and with a few supplies would have succeeded in gaining a solid foothold in the land.

The English government, on the plea of having just concluded a treaty of peace with Spain, did everything to discourage these colonists, however, and practically left them to their fate. The real cause of this strange inaction on the part of those heretofore so eager for every advantage, must be attributed to the powerful English East India Company, which feared its monopoly would be broken if Paterson's plans were successful. The magnates of this great company gained the ears of the King, and Paterson was forced to abandon his dream after the most heroic effort to prove his point against all odds. England thus lost one of her finest oppor tunities of controlling the isthmus from sea to sea, and never since has she interested herself seriously in these lower routes.1

1 Sullivan, loc. cit., pp. 13-16.

Engineering Magazine, loc. cit., March 3, 1893.

CHAPTER IV.

THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND

SPAIN.

EELING secure under the American treaty in her legal dominion over the isthmian colo

lish En

croach

ments on

the Isthmus

nies from sea to sea, Spain did nothing further to enforce her shadowy rights in practice. The English, on the other hand, looked upon this treaty of 1670 simply as a legal recognition on the $ 40. Eng- part of Spain, of the rights they had thus far acquired in the New World, and did not consider themselves in the least deduring the terred thereby from continuing their policy Maritime of encroachment, as soon as the opportunity should present itself. The English woodcutters in Central America, in the meantime, continued to extend their holdings along the coast with the tacit approval of the Home authorities, who were only waiting for a suitable time to arrive when they might openly lend their aid in transforming these doubtful holdings into regular colonial possessions.

War.

As soon as war with Spain became imminent, in 1739, Governor Trelawney of Jamaica evolved a plan whereby the English settlers on the mainland should