instruments of supplication. At the close of the last year it was determined by a cabal that Lord Melbourne should be driven from office. At Hillsborough 75,000 Orangemen are assembled to sustain the Conservative adventurers in their daring and desperate enterprise, and to prove that they are not the remnant of a despicable faction. But will it be said, "Had they not a right to all this? Had they not the advice of the king to speak out? Had they not a right to petition parliament, and address the crown at Hillsborough?" Be it so. Granting them their prerogative at Hillsborough, what have they to do with Quebec? The house seems startled with the question. It is readily explained. The Orangemen of Ireland have passed resolutions for the extension of their society into Upper and Lower Canada. The Grand Lodge of England have appointed a Grand Secretary to visit the British colonies of North America, with directions to communicate with the Grand Master. Why is this? Upon what pretence? For what purpose? Is their object defensive? What, in God's name, have the Irish or English Orangemen to do with Lower Canada, whose religion is Catholic, whose established church is Catholic, whose legislature is Catholic for eighteen out of twenty of the inhabitants are Catholics? Are they not contented with striking the baneful roots of their confederacy into the heart of the British empire, but they must extend ramifications across the Atlantic, in order to supply the North American colonies with their poisoned fruits? its I come to the army, the most important topic. This loyal brotherhood, the guardian of peace, the promoter of tranquility, despite of the notorious rules of the Horse Guards, and in violation of every principle of military discipline, have introduced into the army secrct, its factious and mutinous organization? The fact is beyond all dispute; but there are circumstances connected with it, which are not a little remarkable. There is, in the code of Orange legislation, an ordinance that all regiments in the a ny shall be considered as districts. It is the 15th rule of 1824. So late as this very year in the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland, a warrant was granted to create a lodge in the army; and who was in the chair: Mr. Cromelin, the Grand Master of the county of Down. This resolution and the presidency of Mr. Cromelin on the occasion, appear in the appendix to the report. But let the house mark the following resolution, "That the next warrant should be granted to the 66th Regiment." Who was it moved that resolution? No ordinary individual - a man, holding, in the Orange body, the highest position, but who began his political life as a Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin, (of which the Duke of Cumberland is chancellor), who has since figured in Brunswick clubs, and has exhibited, on various occasions, at public meetings in England, -the Rev. Charles Boyton, the associate of Mr. Mortimer O'Sullivan, the Grand Chaplain of the Orange Grand Lodges, and — mark it! — the Chaplain to the Earl of Haddington, the late Lord Lieutenant. But all the functionaries of the Orange body, despite all this, were ignorant of what was going on in the army. The knowledge of some people is wonderful; but not half so marvellous as the ignorance of others. The next time the honorable gentleman opposite, the Grand Treasurer, late Treasurer to the Ordinance, who was admitted, with the Duke of Wellington, a doctor of common law at Oxford, visits that learned and loyal establishment, I pray of him to revive the old college play of "Ignoramus ; "the principal characters to be performed by Alexander Perceval, Henry Maxwell, and His Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland. His Royal Highness has written a letter. He never heard of Orange lodges in the army - never heard of the orders of 1822 and 1829 - of the rule of the Orange body, that every regiment should be considered a district of the majority of the Grand Lodge having carried a resolution, on a division, to establish Orange lodges in the army of the printed book of warrants, in which the list of military warrants is contained; - neither does his Royal Highness recollect having been present when, in 1831, 1832, 1833 and 1835, warrants were granted, whilst he was in the chair, to military men, and actually a soldier attended as representative of his regiment. His Royal Highness does not bear all this in mind, and is utterly ignorant of the introduction into the army, of the lodges of which he is the Grand Master. Heaven forbid that I should question the truth of his Royal Highness's allegation; I fly in the midst of difficulties, which might startle the belief of men of less accommodating credulity than mine. Credo quia impossible est. But, Sir, there is a consideration of infinite importance connected with his Royal Highness, and independent of his knowledge or his ignorance. Is it befitting that any British subject should possess the power of --- which he has made himself the master? Is it safe that a prince of the blood should be invested with this portentous authority? He is declared, by the rules of the English Grand Lodge, to be absolute and uncontrollable: he is addressed with a species of prophetic greeting Hail, that shall be king hereafter!" an aphorism of theology. If that prediction shall be verified; if, by some fatality, England shall be deprived of the princess who is the object of her affection and of her hope that princess who, if maternal virtues be hereditary, must be wise, and gentle and good - if, Sir, the Imperial Grand Master be fated to be the Sovereign of this vast empire, I trust that by 100,000 Irish Janissaries the throne of Ernest the First will never be surrounded! One, and the most important, of all questions, remains. What are the house and the government to do under the existing facts of the case? That something must be done, is manifest. You cannot tolerate this institution. If you do what will be the result? How will the Roman Catholic soldiers feel, with whom your army is filled, who have fought your battles, participated in your glory, and furnished the raw material out of which the standard of victory has been wrought? If, by your connivance, you convert this confederacy into a pattern, and if a counter organization shall be formed – if we, the Irish millions, shall enrol ourselves in some analogous organization, if its members shall be admitted with a solemn religious ceremony, if the obligation of a political fraternity shall be inculcated, if signs, and tests, and pass-words shall be employed, if a representative assembly, consisting of deputies from every Irish county shall be held in the metropolis, and subordinate lodges shall be held in every department into which the country shall be subdivided, what will befall? To the vanquished, and to the victors -- woe! The gulf of civil warfare will yawn beneath the feet of Ireland, and in the abyss all her hopes will be swallowed. Avert, avert the calamity, which, if I have anticipated, it is only to shudder at its prospects. Save us from these terrible possibilities! Adopt a measure which, by its timely application, may prevent these terrific results from coming to pass. If I relied upon them less, I should warn them more. I will not tell them that I expect — I know—that they will do their duty. IRISH MUNICIPAL BILL. SPEECH IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, FEBRUARY 22, 1837. HE right honorable baronet (Sir James Graham) began the speech, in many particulars remarkable, which he has just concluded amidst the applauses of those, whose approbation, at one period of his political life, he would have blushed to incur, by intimating that he was regarded as a "bigot" on this side of the house. Whether he deserves the appellation by which he has informed us that he is designated, his speech to-night affords some means of determining. I will not call him a bigot, I am not disposed to use an expression in any degree offensive to the right honorable baronet, but I will presume to call him a convert, who exhibits all the zeal for which conversion is proverbially conspicuous. Of that zeal we have manifestations in his references to pamphlets about Spain, in his allusions to the mother of Cabrera, in his remarks on the Spanish clergy, and the practice of confession in the Catholic Church. I own that, when he takes in such bad part the strong expressions employed in reference to the Irish Church (expressions employed by Protestants, and not by Roman Catholics), I am surprised that he should not himself abstain from observations offensive to the religious feelings of Roman Catholic members of this house. The right honorable baronet has done me the honor to produce an extract from a speech of mine, delivered nearly two years ago at the Coburg Gardens; and at the same time expressed himself in terms of praise of the humble individual who now addresses you. I can assure the right honorable baronet that I feel at least as much pleasure in listening to him, as he has the goodness to say that he derives from hearing me. He has many of the accomplishments attributed by Milton to a distinguished speaker in a celebrated council. He is "in act most graceful and humane, his tongue drops manna." I cannot but feel pride that he should entertain so high an opinion of me, as to induce him to peruse and collect all that I say even beyond these walls. He has spent the recess, it appears, in the diligent selection of such passages as he has read to-night, and which I little thought, when they were uttered, that the right honorable baronet would think worthy of his comments. However, he owes me the return of an obligation. The last time I spoke in this house, I referred to a celebrated speech of his at Cockermouth, in which he pronounced an eloquent invective against "a recreant Whig;" and as he found that I was a diligent student of those models of eloquence which the right honorable baronet used formerly to supply, in advocating the popular rights, he thought himself bound, I suppose, to repay me by the citation, which has, I believe, produced less effect than he had anticipated. The right honorable baronet also adverted to what he calls "the Lichfield House compact." It is not worth while to go over the same ground, after I have already proved, by reading in the house the speech which has been the subject of so much remark - how much I have been misrepresented; I never said that there was a compact;" I did say, and I repeat it, that there was "a compact alliance." Was that the first occasion on which an alliance was entered into? Was Lichfield House the only spot ever dedicated to political reconciliations? Has the right honorable baronet forgotten, or has the noble lord (Stanley) who sits beside him, succeeded in dismissing from his recollection, a meeting at Brookes's Club, at which the Irish and English reformers assembled, and, in the emergency which had taken place, agreed to relinquish their differences and make a united stand against the common foe? Does the noble lord forget an admirable speech (it was the best post-prandial oration it was ever my good fortune to have heard) delivered by a right honorable gentleman who was not then a noble lord, and was accompanied by a vehemence of gesture and a force of intonation not a little illustrative of the emotions of the orator, on his anticipated ejectment from office? That eloquent individual, whom I now see on the Tory side of the house, got up on a table, and with vehement and almost appalling gesture, pronounced an invective against the Duke of Wellington, to which, in the |