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wounded that night, and cross the Rio Chello, for the purpose of moving towards Ensenada; but this measure was, in a great degree, frustrated by the weather, which became very violent during the night, and consequently retarded the progress of embarkation, though the enemy added a considerable number of men to the houses and churches near the Castle, and advanced by all the streets, not under the influence of its fire; in short, Sir, his object was to avoid, by every means, a general action, and to place his men in such a situation that they could fire at our troops, while they remained in perfect security themselves.-On the 12th, at day light, I understand a smart fire began from the enemy's advanced posts, but was soon returned with great effect from our artillery, which was planted towards the principal streets leading to the Great Square, and for a short time the enemy, by his immense numbers, shewed a greater degree of firmness than on any other occasion, and pushed forward with 3 pieces of artillery, which Colonel Pack, of the 71st, soon charged and took from him. During this time, however, reinforcements crowded the tops of all the houses commanding the Great Square from the back streets, and our troops were considerably annoyed by people they could not get at. The enemy commanded the Castle in the same way, with the additional advantage of a gun on the top of one of the churches, which I consider an idelible stigma against the character of the Bishop, not only from his situation, but the professions he made.-I can easily conceive how the feelings of Gen. Beresford must, at this moment, have been on the rack; disappointed in his last efforts to induce the enemy to a general engagement in the Great Square, his gallant little army falling fast by shots from invisible persons, and the only alternative which could present itself to save the useless effusion of so much valuable blood, was a flag of truce, which was hoisted at the castle about one o'clock.--In an instant, there were near 10,600 men in the Great Square, pressing forward, in the most outrageous manner, to get into the fort, and even firing at our men on the ramparts; so much so, that it was with extreme difficulty the British troops were prevented revenging this insult; indeed the general was obliged to tell the Spanish officers, if their men did not retire in the course of one minute, he must, as the only measure of safety, haul down the flag of truce, and recommence hostilities;

this firmness had the desired effect, and he then sent his conditions to the Spanish general, and they were instantly acceded to.— I inclose a copy of the capitulation, and I trust the high and independent language in which it is couched, and the terms dictated by General Beresford to an officer at the head of myriads of people, will do him infinite honour in England, and obtain for him his Majesty's most gracious approbation.-I have received and annexed a return of the killed, wounded, and missing, by which it appears that there are two officers, two serjeants, one drummer, forty-three rank and file killed; eight officers, seven serjeants, ninety-two rank and file wounded, and nine missing; making a total of one hundred and sixty-five; scarce any of those misfortunes were occasioned, except from the inhabitants on the tops of the houses and the churches. -The enemy confesses to have lost about seven hundred killed and wounded, in the short conflict in the streets; and if it had not been for the inhabitants, I have little doubt that the Spanish troops would have been completely defeated, although seven times the number of the British forces. Nothing is more difficult than to give their lordships an idea of the number of men in arms; but from the best accounts we can obtain, it is thought Pueridon, and the other principle people engaged in this plot, had collected from eight to ten thousand men in the country; that Liniers may have brought over from eight hundred to one thousand; and the town furnished, though armed in various ways, about ten thousand, under the secret arrangements of the magistrates.When every vessel that could escape from Buenos Ayres had joined, I proceeded towards Ensenado, to receive the detachment of marines; Lieut. Groves, of the Diadem, was obliged to quit the Belem schooner, as she would not work out; one gun boat and a settee, a prize, were also left in the harbour, with the Justina, a small English merchant ship that had followed the expedition from St. Helena. Capt. Thomson of the Neptune, who was in the castle, was made a prisoner, and Lieut. Burgh, of the Raisonable, with Mr. Ramsay, a midshipman, and seven men, who were in the settee, as her boats could not hold them. Lieut. Herrick, in the Dolores, the other armed schooner, worked out in a manner which, coupled with his conduct on the whole of this business, does him great credit. To be continued.

Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Brydges Stree, Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be had sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Miue, Pall Mall.

VOL. XI. No. 10.]

LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 7, 1807.

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[PRICE 10D. "Is it believed, that the debates in this House are conducted with a view to the public good? 1 admit, for "the sake of argument, that the side of the House, with which I have the honour to act, are no more actuated than the other by motives of a pure and disinterested nature; though, while I make the admissien, my conscience acquits me of the crime. Is it not in every one's mouth, that the object of one party is to keep their places, and of the other to supplant them? And, if such an cpinion is entertained, "how is it compatible with respect ?"--MR. GREY'S (now Lord Howick) Speech, 25th March, 1797, when, after a fruitless motion for a reform of parliament, he notified his intention of seceding from debate. 353]

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SUMMARY OF POLITICS. PROCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT.——I. Irish Catholics. II. Poor Laws. III. Slave Trade. IV. Lord Wellesley. V. Westminster Election.-I. There are, before the House of Commons, bills for granting an additional sum for the education of the Roman Catholic elergy in Ireland, and for removing, as far as relates to officers in the army and navy, the restrictions, of which the Catholics complain, as to promotion to the higher ranks in those services.As to the former, there appears to be no reasonable objection to it; for, no one can imagine, that the ignorance of the priests will at all tend to reconcile the people of Ireland to the present state of things, while the not granting of a sufficiency to educate the priests must necessarily increase their hatred of the government, and which hatred is already but too great. It was observed by Mr. Bankes, that the grant was improper, because it went to the establishing of the Roman Catholic religion; whereas he was willing to tolerate it only. But, do we not grant annually a pretty large sum of money to the dissenting Protestant ministers? This is certainly the case; and, yet we are not eadeavouring to establish their religion in preference to our own. Besides, there is this difference in the two cases; that, the Protestant dissenting ministers can easily obtain an education in any part of the kingdom; whereas the Roman Catholic priests must be educated in the seminary in Dublin, or they must be sent abroad for the purpose; or, indeed, as Sir John Newport observed, they must, in the present state of Europe, be educated in Dublin, or not at all. As to a measure of this sort tending, as it does in the opinions of some persons, to retard the happy day when all the Catholics of Ireland shall be converted into Protestants, that day is becoming farther and farther distant.

We

go the wrong way to work in every thing relating to this matter: and especially in the regulations relative to the residence of the

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Protestant clergy. That a man who resided continually in his parish might possibly make some progress in the conversion of his parishioners will be readily believed; but most men will be very backward in believing, that a minister, who resides and spends his income in London or at Bath or Cheltenham, can do much, in the way either of precept or example, to convert the Irish from thedamnalle errors of popery," in which their and our forefathers lived and died. There is, to be sure, something very whimsical in the Romish religion, whether as to doctrine or discipline; and it does vex one to see even sensible people submit to be governed by such shockingly ignorant creatures as are, sometimes, to be found amongst the Romish priests; but, we should not be too hasty in condemning in the lump; and, when I look at many of the priests of most other churches, or sects, I am, for my part, by no means disposed for a crusade of conversion, than which, as directed against the Irish, the bringing of Africans away from their country, in order to convert them in the West India Islands, is, in my opinion, a far more rational scheme -As to the pro'vision relating to the officers of the army and navy, they, surely, ought to be permitted to become field officers and generals, when we have so many Hanoverian Majors and Colonels in our service, and stationed in the heart of our country. Yet, if Roman Catholics may rise to the highest ranks in the military service, without any breach of the "Coronation Oath," why Roman Catlolics may not be permitted to have seats in parliament, or at the Council, or on the Bench, is a question worthy of being submitted to Mr. Reeves, who is the master casuist in all matters affecting the royal conscience. It does, however, sound rather awkwardly, that this emancipation, as the Catholics persist in calling it, should be extended only to men who have arms in their hands. Perhaps it may go further. Who knows but the ministers may, at last, fulfil

parliament that wanted reforming; to the corruption and profi gacy of the great he ascribed all the disgrace and misery of the nation. But now he finds that he was begin

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one of their pledges! They have begun with the negroes, and, though they should have begun with the whites, let us hope that they will, for once, think of their promises and vows, and do something, at last, to furnishning at the wrong end; and that he should thear friends with an instance to quote in their favour. The bill for amending the Poor Laws was, on the 23d instant, read a second time, and ordered to be printed. The bill is then to be sent to the quarter sessions in the several counties, that it may there be examined, and that the several sets of jus tices may give their opinion upon it. If this be proper, in this instance, why not in other instances? And, if the approbation of the justices be to be obtained, why not appeal to the whole of the people? I dire say, that, in the for counties of Middlesex, Essex, Kent, and Surrey, where the majority upon the several benches consist of police magistrates, who are paid for their services, and who are liable to be removed at the will of the ministry in those counties, I dare say, the plan will meet with an instant and cordial approbation. Nor, considering of what description, generally speaking, the other magistrates are, is it to be much feared by Mr. Whitbread, that his bill will be very vehemently condenined. ---Mr. Morris, upon the day just mentioned, expressed his disapprobation of every part of the bill, except that which provided for the education of the poor; and, he wished much to have an opportunity of speaking upon the subject in this stage of the progress of the Lill, in order that his objections might go to the quarter sessions along with the project. Thus, then, this is a direct acknowledgement, from a member of the House, that he is speaking to the people out of doors as much, at least, as to those within doors; and yet the House possesses the power of punishing, in any manner they please, any man who she publish the speeches of the members! As to what Mr. Morris's objections would be, I shall not presarse to anticipate. Mine go to the whole of the plan, as far as I can, at present understand it, except that part which removes, in some degree, the restriction as to settlements; but, these objections I shall refrain from stating, until I have an opportunity of seeing the bill itself. In the meanwhile, however, I cannot help again reminding my readers, of the curious effect which a change of situation has upon some men's minds. Mr. Whitbread, while his friends were out of office; while they and he (for, though he has not yet touched, he will touch) saw no prospect of getting possession of emolument and power; Then Mr. Whitbread saw nothing but the

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have set out with reforming, not the parlia-
ment, but the people. Now that all is re-
lations are gorging with the public money
up to the very palate, he finds out that a
mark of disgrace ought to be affixed upon
all those who receive aid out of the parish
taxes.--III. The bill for abolishing the
Slave Trade was again discussed on the 23d
and 27th instant, on the former of which
days, upon a motion for going into a com-
mittee upon the bill, the House divided, 283
for it, and only 16 against it.As to the
merits of the case, it is useless to say any
more. But, there were two or three new
arguments and observations that appear to
be worthy of notice. My Lord Howick,
not content with displaying his powers in
repeating all that Brissot and Grenville
.Sharpe and others had said about the injus-
tice and inhumanity of the traffic, concluded
with an authority, namely, that of the joint
voices of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox, "who,"
said this regenerated lord,
forgot all ri
valship here, and joined in favour of the
measure. Their opinions, on this sub-
ject, are a legacy, which they left to the
House, and which forms a monument to
"their memories, the most lasting and most
"splendid."-A figure of rhetorick some-
what more complete than this might lave
been conceived in a classical mind; but, as
to monuments, my lord, we know fuk well
that Pitt's memory is to have one of mother
sort. We know, too, that we are to pay
for it. We know further, that you and
Mr. Fox voted and spoke against it. And,
my lord, there are persons who say, that,
had they been in your place, they would
have begged their bread from door to door
rather than remain in a ministry, who suf-
fered Mr. Fox to sink obscurely to the grave,
while all manner of funeral and sepulchral
honours were heaped upon Pitt. But, my
lord, it is precisely because these silly per
sons are not in your place that they say this.
If they had tasted of the all illuminating
elexir, as your lordship and several others
have done, they would have perceived, as
clear as day-light, the important fact, that
the office of one living minister was worth
the fame of ten dead ministers. Yes, my
lord, these "illustrious persons" did agree
upon this subject of the Slave Trade; and
so they did upon the subject of a reform in
parliament; and your lordship agreed with
them. Was not that a legacy," too,

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which they left to the House? Or did they, respectively, cancel their wills, as to that point, the moment they came into office? The moment they tasted of the potent elixir aforesaid? That Pitt cancelled his will, as to this legacy, we know very well; and, if Mr. Fox did not do the same; if he has actually left us the legacy, why do not you and his other executors pay it us without delay ? You will not, I hope, affect to treat the question of parliamentary reform as one of little importance: I do hope you will not; because, in that case, I shall have to perform the painful and disgusting task of reminding you of all that you and others said of the House, at the time when you gave notice of your secession, declaring that while the House remained constituted as it then was, you should think it useless to honour it any more with the delivery of your sentiments; and, really, my lord, as far as my powers of judging go, there is no alteration in the constitution of the House, except that you and your friends, who formerly sat on the Opposition side, are now seated upon the Treasury Bench. But, my lord, in talking of legacies, did it never occur to your lordship, that there was another legacy, which Pitt, whom you have now discovered to be an illus

trions statesman," left to the House, or rather to the people; namely, the sedition tills, resistance, open, violent resistance to which, Mr. Fox, you, Mr. Erskine, Mr. Tierney, and others, declared to be merely a question of prudence? This was a thumping legacy indeed; and, your lordship and your colleagues are so good as to let us enjoy it! You may sneer, my Lord Howick. You may put on that supercilicus look again and again. But, you and I, my Lord Howick, are of about the same age; and if we live but a very few years, we shall see the day when, as an answer to such observations, sneering will be quite out of fashion.-—It must, my lord, in looking at the aforementioned division, have made your heart jump for joy to find the morality and piety of the House so greatly improved since the days, when, upon the question of the Slave Trade, the "illustrious Pite" used to be left in a mixority; when he who had power to do every thing else, had not power to obtain a division in his favour upon this subject. Yes, in the House of Commons, indeed, he had; but, not in the House of Lords, though, as you will please to observe, that House consisted of nearly the very same persons as at this day. This is very strange indeed. Their lordships must certainly have acquired some new lights upon the subject since that time; for, to suppose, that they have now passed

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the bill upon the same grounds that they bofore rejected it, is something too shocking to think of. What a wonderful faculty of stating and arguing your lordship and your colleagues must possess! Pitt, income-tax Pit, though he could pass the sedition bills; though he could sell the land-tax; thongh he could alienate part of the real property of the Church; though he could keep the act of Habeas Corpus suspended for soven years at once; was not able to accomplish, with respect to the Slave Trade, in an administ ation of twenty years, whit you and your colleagues have accomplished in an administration of about half as many months! Weil, then, my lord, if you have such power, why not do some at least, of the may other things, which you promised to do for us? You will call this harping; but, it is hirping which every honest nn approves of, and which will stick to you as long as you are a minister.Of the other specches Mr. Roscoe's was worthy of notice. He sug

gested, that what the nation might lose, a point of commerce, from the abolition of the Slave Trade, it might gain by an extension of our trade to the East Indies. Does it appear to this gentleman, then, that colonics in Hindostan are more likely to benefit this country than colonies at one-sixth part of the distance? Does he think that continents are better suited to us than Islands? Did he never hear of any slavery or murder being committed in the East Indies? Or is not the colour of the people's skin in that country quite dark enough for him? Perchance he would wish to keep the cruelty at as great a distance as possible. The people in the East Indies are not, perhaps, driven to their work like cattle, as it has been called; but they are lashed by the taxgather, who unites, in the same person, the office of absolute judge of life and death; and, let history say, whe ther more persons have not suffered death from English rapacity in the East Indies, in any one year out of the last thirty, than have ever so suffered in the West Indies, since the Slave Trade was first heard of. --The Solicitor General spoke on the side of the bill, and concluded with the following com pliment to Mr. Wilberforce: "When he "looked to the man now at the head of the "French monarchy, surrounded as he was "with all the pomp of power, and all the "pride of victory, distributing kingdoms to "his family, and principalities to his follow

ers, seeming when he sat upon his throne "to have reached the summit of human "ambition, and the pinnacle of earthly

happiness, and when he followed that "man into his closet or to his bed, and con- .

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stance, though of primary importance with
those who understand these things, is too of‐
ten overlooked by the reass of manki
and, therefore, it is not very surprising, fiat
uninformed persons should regard

"sidered the pangs with which his solitude
must be tortured and his repose banished
by the recollection of the blood he had
spilled, and the oppressions he had com-
"mitted; and when he compared, with
"those pangs of remorse, the feelings
"which must accompany his hon. friend
(Mr. Wilberforce) from that House to
"his home, after the vote of the night
"should have confirmed the object of his
"humane and unceasing labours; when he
"should retire into the bosom of his happy
"and delighted family, when he should lay
"himself down on his bed, reflecting on
the innumerable voices that would be
"raised in every quarter of the world to
"bless him, how much more pure and per-
"fect felicity must he enjoy in the con-
sciousness of having preserved so many
"nations of his fellow creatures, than the
man with whom he had compared him,
66 on the throne to which he had waded
"through slaughter and oppression."
Upon which, as the reporter of the debate
says, there were "three distinct and univer-
"sal cheers;" just such, I suppose, as are
heard, when a company of placemen, pen-
sioners, and taxgatherers, otherwise called
the "friends of government," drink the
king's health! But, this scribbling syco-
phant must have meant, that the folks in the
gallery cheered thus. Surely so grave and
reverend an assembly as that of our law-
givers never could have hooted and hallooed
at strains so pathetic! The same reporter
says, that the preceding speech (Sir John
Doyle's) was interrupted by loud and con-
"tinued bursts of laughter." He must
mean, in the gallery. It is impossible that
such wise, grave, reverend, and almost holy
men, as Mr Calcraft and General Fitzpatrick
and Mr. Wynne and Sir Menasses Lopez and
all the Smiths and all the Thorntons and the

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like; it is impossible, that even the funny stories of Sir John Doyle, with whatsoever labour selected from Joe Miller and the Encyclopedia of Wit, could have made such men laugh, while their enlightened and feeling minds were intent upon this great work of liberty and humanity. But, to return to the speech of the Solicitor General, it may be thought by some persons, that the compliment to Mr. Wilberforce would have lost nothing in its worth, if it had not proceeded in the way of comparison; for, there are those, who can remember having heard some of the present ministry describe the subjects of Prussia and Russia as being men not quite so free as they might be. This was, indeed, at a time when those ministers had. not tasted the elixir; but, that circum

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man at the head of the French zaorle. as being, at this moment, also actually engaged in the righteous work of emancipation; more especially when they revert to the language that was made use of, in the House of Commons, relating to the partition of Poland. Nay, there really are people, who pretend, that the oppressed wretches of certain of the states yet unconquered by Napoleon, experience some mitigation of their op pression in consequence of the dread which their rulers have of throwing them into his arms, and of, thereby, losing their prey; and that, in this way, even 66 the man at the "head of the French monarchy," though he does, it must be confessed, dispose of kings and kingdoms pretty freely, is an instrument in the hands of Providence for the relief "of suffering and degraded humanity," as Mr Fawkes called it. This is, doubtless, an crroneous opinion; but, it shows that something may be said in this way; and, therefore, the compliment of the Solicitor General would have been better, had it been more simple.As to the blood that Napoleon bas" waded through to the throne," I cannot see for what purpose it was introduced, except, indeed, for the novelty of the figure, There may have been several persons murdered by him; but I have never yet seen any proof of the fact. And, I think, if we come to talk of deposings and takings-off, that Mr. Wilberforce has heard of the Nabob of the Carnatic, the Nabob of Oude, the Nabob of Furrackabad, the Nabob of Tanjore, the Polygars, the Zemindars, and the unfortu nate Whisker-men. Yet I never did hear, that Mr. Wilberforce expressed, at any time, in any one single instance, a feeling of horror, or a sentiment of disapprobation, upon the subject. Is it that the princes and people of Hindostan are not white enough, or not black enough? What are the princes of Germany to me, or to you, reader, more than the princes of Hindostan? The deposing of the latter gives me rather more pain than the deposing of the former; because, the deposings in Hindostan add to the taxes of England, and tend to increase the quantity of bank paper and the number of paupers. Why, then, should we make such an outery in one case, and be so perfectly tranquil in the other? Ah! Mr. Solicitor General! we may eulogise ourselves and one another, but, you may be assured, that the world will form a just opinion of us. Mr. Wilberforce,

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