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remembrance of an early acquaintance has cemented our friendship anew.

once more to our native ifle,

We are reftored

floating in an

ocean of politics, and exhibiting as great a variety of religions, opinions, and fentiments, as you have feen curiofities at the fair of St. Ovid's in Paris.

What party shall we fide? What plan fhall we pursue? If we treat as enemies all thofe whose perfuafion is different from ours, the number of our friends will be but small. Let us then be retainers to dean Swift's doctrine. Let the Chriftians agree in the points allowed on all fides, as much as they differ with regard to private opinions, and diffenfions fhall be foon at an end. They all agree, that the first of their laws, is a law of eternal love, expanding into fentiments of benevolence, and teaching its votaries to return affection for hatred, and good for evil, that it is a divine legacy bequeathed by their common Redeemer to his followers; and that Christians, cemented together by the blood of a God, fhould be never divided.

This is a point of doctrine liable to no controversy. Oh! could it be enforced on the mind! factions would foon expire, and Charity. afcend the throne, holding broils, diffenfions,

flanders,

flanders, calumnies at her feet, as fo many captives in chains,

Toleration in a popish priest!' If by toleration is meant indifference as to religion, God forbid! In this fenfe it implies an error; and though it makes a great figure in the disputes among divines, yet in two words we can afcertain its degrees and meafures. Let us never tolerate error in ourselves: let us pity it in our neighbours. "Deteft the error," fays St. Auguftin, "but love the man." For in the conflict of different opinions that will divide the world to the end of time, Chriftian Charity ftill afferts her prerogatives. Her oily balfam heals the rankling ulcer caused by a religious inflammation, and attenuates the black and viscous humours which fo often degenerate into an evangelical Spleen,

But, if by toleration we mean impunity, fafety, and protection granted by the state, to every fect that does not maintain doctrines inconfiftent with the public peace, the rights of fovereigns, and the safety of our neighbour, to fuch a toleration I give my patronacy; and expect that the following proofs of the articles of the teft, will evince the juftnefs of entitling the Roman Catholics to the lenity of government, and the confidence of their fellow-fubjects.

THE

THE OATH OF ALLEGIANCE.

?

ART. I.

"I, A. B. do take Almighty God to witness, "that I will be faithful and bear true allegi-. ance to our moft gracious Sovereign Lord,

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King George the Third, and him will de"fend to the utmost of my power, against "all confpiracies and attempts, whatever, "that shall be made against his perfon, crown " and dignity.”

Although I fhould never fwear any allegiance in form, yet there is an original and natural allegiance from fubject to king; a debt that forbids all confpiracies and treafonable practices against his perfon, crown and dignity.' At my birth I was under his protection; and in a tender infancy, when I could not protect myself, I was fhielded by his name. His tribunals are ftill open to fecure my life and liberty, and as there is an implied contract between king and fubject, my oath does not change the nature of my obligations. It only ftrengthens the civil band by the tie of religion, and fuperadds to treafon the guilt of perjury in the tranfgreffors.

This obligation is corroborated by the positive injunctions of the fcripture, enforcing obedience to the prince whose image is ftamped on his' coin, and grounded on the laws of the nation, which, from the earlieft periods, have transferred the fubject's allegiance to the king, for the time being, and declared it high treason in a fubject to attempt any thing even against an ufurper, while he is in full poffeffion of the fovereignty. This the laws have wifely ordained, in order to prevent anarchy and confusion; because the common people cannot judge of the king's title. But here I thruft my fickle into the civilian's field, though in the end, oaths of allegiance should be determined by the laws and maxims of the realm, as well as by principles of divinity*. Further, let it be remarked, that the foundation of this decifion has been laid in Catholic times; and that in applying it to the actual circumftances, I do not mean to diftinguish between the right and fact in our moft gracious fovereign. I only argue a minori ad majus, to fhew the guilt of attempting any thing against a lawful fovereign, whereas it is high treafon to confpire against an ufurper.

The famous diftinction between "rex de "jure," and " rex de facto," how interesting foever in the times of the contending families

of

* Vide Blackstone's Commentaries, book I. chap. 10. Coke, 3 Inft. 7. Kel. rep. 15.

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of York and Lancaster, James II. and William III. is now of as much importance, as this great queftion fo warmly debated among our grave moralifts: "Who is happier, a king awake, "or a cobler afleep, who dreams that he is a "king?" I do not choofe to disturb the reft of fleeping monarchs, and whoever has a relifh for dreams, has my confent, though I like more folid food.

ART. II.

"AND I do faithfully promise to maintain, "fupport, and defend, to the utmost of my

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power, the fucceffion of the throne, in his Majefty's family, against any perfon or perfons whatfoever."

Any thing that does not clash with the laws of God,-whatever is conducive to the public good, and has for its immediate object, the peace of fociety, and avoidance of bloodshed, civil wars, and public calamities,can be fafely fworn to, and the object of a lawful oath; but fuch is the nature of the fecond article of the test, which, according to the wife laws of a nation wherein the crown is hereditary in the wearer, equally guards against revolutions fo frequent in defpotic ftates, and elective kingdoms. In the firft, the prince names his fuc

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