' of the true God. A circumftançe which Bellarmin fhould have attended to, had he a mind to read his condemnation. Solomon depofed Abiathar, the high, prieft: will Bellarmin grant me the liberty to infer from this fact, that kings can depofe popes?

Such are the ridiculous fhifts to which the patrons of a bad caufe are inevitably reduced!. Wild and unnatural fimiles, or facts that prove too much, and can be juftly retorted on themfelves. Am I accountable for their folly? Or muft an Irish Catholic ftarve, because an Italian latin wrote nonsense in bad Italian, two hundred years ago?

Had he not flackened the reins of an enthufiaftic imagination, and let it loose to its random flights, he could have fpared himself the trouble of foaring to Heaven, in purfuit of this offfpring of human ambition, or the zeal of earthly kings. For that the depofing power originated either in privileges granted by pious zeal, or covenants entered into and fealed by ambition, history leaves no room to doubt, and religion forbids to believe otherwise.

Let us begin at home. Inas, king of the weft Saxons, renders his kingdom tributary to the Holy See. This conceffion paves the way to

future

future claiths. Henry the fecond folicits and obtains a bull from pope Adrian, in order to invade Ireland. The pope grants it: but, in bleffing this new dish that is to be served on the English monarch's table, he carves his own portion. And why not? The one had as good a right to it as the other.

.

It is inferted in the bull, that the annual penfion of one penny from every house should be faved to St. Peter.' If the holy father and his dear and illuftrious fon, as he ftyles him, had afterwards quarrelled about the fpoils, the religion of the fubject should not be concerned in the difpute. King John, in his contestations with Philip Auguftus of France, appeals to the pope, and renders him the arbiter of rights that should be decided by the fword. The French monarch lays in his exceptions to the pope's tribunal, as incompetent in such a cafe. The Englishman chooses a mafter. Lo, the gradual progreffion of the pope's temporal power in Great Britain. It takes its first rife from piety,-acquires additional degrees of strength by ambition,-and is confirmed by the weakness of English monarchs. Hence queen Elizabeth's excommunication, and the absolution of her fubjects from their allegiance by pope Sixtus, were more owing to Peter's Pence than

to

to Peter's keys. The noife of the thunder of the Vatican did not reach Sweden or Denmark, because the effluvia of their mines, and the filings of their gold were never carried by royal ftipulations into the regions of the Italian atmofphere, to kindle into flames and cause an explofion. But queen Elizabeth could not have pleaded a hundred years prefcription against the court of Rome. "Pope Paul IV. was fur"prized at her boldness, in affuming the crown, "a fief of the Holy See, without his confent."* Remark in the word (fief) a temporal claim, but no divine title.

If from Great Britain we pass into Germany, we can trace the rife and progress of the depofing power, in the grants of crowned heads, in pacts and ftipulations, and in mutual favours and offices of friendship.

In the eighth century, when the citizens of Rome were haraffed by the Lombards, and flighted by the Greeks, their lawful mafters, Charlemagne marches to their affiftance, defeats the Lombards, is crowned by pope Leo III. and faluted emperor by the fenate and people of Rome. Nicephorus, who afterwards. ufurped the throne of Conftantinople, fends Ambaffadors to the new emperor, and confents to the difmembering of an empire finking under

Burnet,

its own weight, and expofed to the first foldier of fortune who had addrefs to form a faction, and courage to plunge the dagger into the breast of the tyrant who filled the throne. What Leo III. has done, proved no right (if it proves any) but that of the law of nature, which authorizes a man, befet by his enemies, to call for affiftance to the first who is willing to lend it, and in the effufions of gratitude to thank his deliverer. Bellarmin then has loft his labour in writing a book, to prove that the pope has transferred the empire from the Greeks to the Germans, the better to give fome colour to the "bafeless fabric" of the depofing power; for Leo III. did not deprive the Eastern princes of a foot of ground.

The empress Irene, afterwards dethroned by Nicephorus, retained her dominions after the coronation of Charles, who acquired nothing by the title of emperor, but a founding compliment. All fubfequent acceffions were either by right of conqueft, the tacit or express consent of the Greeks, or the choice of the fenate and Roman people, who preferred a powerful and ufeful ftranger, to a weak and useless mafter.

The compliment, however, laid the foundation of a power ftrengthened by the emperor's

and

will, fent to Rome for the pope's approbation, and raised to the highest altitude, by Charles the Bald's purchafing the Imperial Crown, for a fum of money, from pope John VIII. Hence fœderal tranfactions, promises confirmed by oath, pacts and ftipulations between popes and emperors, who used to fwear on St. Peter's tomb, and subscribe the conditions impofed on them. In the great ftruggles between the two powers, the popes grounded their claims on custom and oaths, as may be feen in feveral paffages of the canon law. "Adftrin66 gere vinculo juramenti," fays pope Clement V. "prout tam nos obfervationis antiquæ tem"poribus noviffimis renovatæ, quam forma ju"ramenti. hujufmodi facris inferta canonibus "manifeftant:"* Jus divinum, divine right, or a plenitude of apoftolic power, was out of the question.

In effect, fir, before the tenth century, there have been as bad kings, and good popes as ever fince. The caufe of religion was equally interesting, and religion itself more violently 'perfecuted. The Roman pontiffs had the fame fpiritual authority, the promotion of piety and faith equally at heart, and in the great number fome

*Clementin. Roman. Princip. de jurej.