the consequence. Now we shall | the service of our country? But, not be suspected of being hostile to says the Courier, "Was not the the cause of protestant ascendency protestant constitution, in church. -Esto perpetua! But, as it was so and state, one of those principles ?" desirable to have had the presence of That the maintenance of the relisuch distinguished admirers and ad- gious establishment of the church of herents of Mr. Pitt and his princi- England is one of the principles on ples, it would have been as well which the sovereign accepts the perhaps to have omitted this toast, crown is incontrovertible; and it is particularly as there was another equally incontestible, that the catoast - The house of Brunswick, and tholics are so far from wishing to may they never forget the principles make any alteration in this fundawhich seated them on the throne of mental law of the realm, that their these realms.' Was not the pro- bishops have offered to bind themtestant constitution, in church and selves by oath, not to attempt, by state, one of these principles? But, open force or secret fraud, to subvert indeed, we cannot conceive why a or destroy the constitution in church favourer of the catholic claims might or state. What greater security can not drink the toast of Protestant the catholic give, or the most timid Ascendency, unless he is prepared | protestant require? That the conto say that there should not be the stitution is exclusively protestant in least distinction between the two civil matters is an axiom quite un religions; that the catholic should | tenable. It is not to be found in Magbe as eligible to the office of lord na Charta, and in the Bill of Rights, chancellor, the keeper of the king's on which so great a stress is laid by conscience, as a protestant; and the opponents of our claims, there is that the king himself ought not to not a single word on which to esta be excluded from the liberty of con- blish an ascendency of one part of the science granted to every person of people over the other. On the conthe realm." With the justice or in- trary, the spirit and even the letter justice of the exclusion of the sove- of that celebrated declaration are reign from exercising the liberty of friendly to the cause of the catholics. conscience under forfeiture of the In the conclusion of this instrument crown, we catholics have nothing to it is said, that ALL the liberties asdo. The majority of the people of serted in this declaration, are the anthe united empire are protestants, cient and indubitable rights of THE it was judged proper to enact those PEOPLE of this kingdom. Here, terms, the sovereign have accepted then, we have an explicit avowa! them, and we do not desire to disturb that the civil liberties demanded by them. the nation were not meant exclusively for the members of the established church, but were the indubitable rights of the WHOLE, which had been enjoyed by them equally in ancient times, but of which the people had been deprived in part, under some of the preceding monarchs.→ That William understood the decla

All we ask is, to be released from the operation of penal statutes, which stigmatize our religious and civil characters, and hold us out to the rest of the community as men of treacherous and unchristian habits. To the principles which seated the house of Brunswick on the throne of these realms we do not object, and we have sworn to bear true allegi-ration in this sense is evident by his ance to this illustrious family; why then should we not be allowed to devote our talents and abilities to

offering the Irish catholics before the battle of Aughrim, the free exercise of their religion, half the churches af

matter of fact, what becomes of the ascendency," and not by the particiboasted pre-eminence of the protest-pation of catholics in the civil ant over the catholic doctrine? | If the vitality of the established religion is so interwoven with its civil government, that the fall of the one must accelerate the other; what is this but admitting that its basis is not of divine but of human origin? In my former remarks, before alluded to, I asked if the protestant church is that church which our Saviour founded on a rock, and promised the gates of hell should not prevail against it, who can destroy her?This is a serious question to those who are desirous of ascertaining the truth of the Gospel, and discovering that church which the scripture says we are all compelled to hear, or else be considered as heathens or publicans in the eyes of her divine founder. The catholic religion has existed in all ages from the time of the apostles to the present day, notwithstanding states have been overturned, and every civilized country experienced in its turn the changeable vicissitudes of human fallibility. But Mr. Oliver Hatch and the managing committee tell as, that it has long ceased to be a subject for speculation, by becoming a matter of historical fact, that the destruction of the civil government must produce the destruction of the established religion. Well, then, if such is the case, would it not be more consistent in these gentlemen, if they really love their religion and the constitution, to accept the assistance and support of five millions of their fellow-subjects to support the latter, by which they will ensure the existence of the for

mer.

For let them recollect, that by the details of the historical fact to which they allude, it is demonstrated that the destruction of the constitution and the ecclesiastical establishment was occasioned by the existence of a puritan "protestant

privileges of the state. At the period alluded to, the catholic peers enjoyed their seats in parliament, and Rapin says, that during the struggles in 1641, the popular party were far from carrying their ends, by reason of the obstacles they met with in the house of lords, where the bishops and popish peers broke all their measures, and it was necessary to raise a tumult of the people to frighten them from attending in their places. This being done, the same historian adds, that the king soon found that the upper house, which had hitherto been favourable to his cause, was no longer in the same disposition, after the bishops and popish lords were compelled to absent themselves. The consequences which ensued are too well known to need relating here, and ought to operate with a different effect, than they appear to do at this present day, on the minds of those who affect to be the supporters of the throne and the altar. No, reader, it is not a protestant ascendency which is essential to the existence of the constitution either in church or state, as the above strong and conclusive fact bear testimony, but a veneration for the laws, and an equal participation in their administration. The existence of the constitution was never threatened nor attempted to be invaded by any catholic senator since the reformation in his legislative capacity; but it has been overthrown by a protestant faction, and the establishment subverted, to give place to a pretended purer system of gospel-preaching ministry. Nay, at this very moment, the ministers of the crown, who are all the admirers of Mr. Pitt and his principles, are occupied in detecting and preventing an extensive conspiracy, which they say exists in this country, to subvert not only the throne but likewise the

his administration the catholics experienced the greatest amelioration from those grinding laws which bowed them to the earth. This statesman viewed the dreadful evils issuing from the volcano of the French revolution, which threaten

state in Europe, and, according to the doctrine of Mr. Oliver Hatch and the managing committee, the established religion of this country, in their true light, and he therefore wisely determined to call in the aid of auxiliaries, who had been found faithful in a former period of revolutionary commotion. But he was not ignorant of the prejudices of his misguided countrymen. He knew the great work of emancipation was not to be done in a moment; but that his comprehensive plan could be completed only by bringing it forward in detached parts. That Mr. Pitt meditated the final emanci

altar. This conspiracy is at present confined to Great Britain, the bulk of whose inhabitants consists of protestants. Catholic Ireland is not yet implicated in the traitorous confederacy, nor does it appear that any of the individuals who have been arrested are of that religion. Woulded the existence of every civilized it not be well, then, for these Pittclubbers to reflect a little before they venture again to exhibit their prejudices at the expence of their reason. Mr. Pitt was evidently in favour of the claims of his catholic countrymen; the fact is too notorious to be contradicted. How then can they consistently maintain an opinion diametrically opposed to the known principles and intentions of the statesman, whose deeds and memory they meet to commemorate? This inconsistency appeared so glaring to Mr. Canning, that, to his honour be it spoken, he refused to sanction it by his presence, and to preserve a sort of decency, in conse-pation of his catholic countrymen is quence of the spirited conduct of Mr. Canning, it was not given by the chairman, Mr. secretary Peel, of no-popery notoriety, until the departure of all the cabinet ministers, which took place at an early hour. If these gentlemen are wise, they will profit by "experience and the evidence of facts." Mr. Pitt, in the latter part of his life-time, was perfectly satisfied of the innocuous tenets to popery, and the attachment of its professors to the throne and constitution of these realms. He was therefore desirous of securing stability of the constitution in both church and state, by obtaining admission for the catholics to the civil offices of the latter on certain conditions. Unseen obstacles, however, occurred, which have hitherto retarded the accomplishment of his wishes and those whom he has left behind, who coincided with him on the subject. Let these admirers of Mr. Pitt recollect, that it was under

indubitably established by his resignation of office in 1801, when he found himself unable to carry his intentions on that point into execution; and the following reasons which he gave to the Irish catholics, through the late marquis Cornwallis, then lord lieutenant of Ireland, for his abandonment of the premiership, is a proof of his favourable views towards their complaints:

"The leading part of his majesty's ministers finding unsurmountable obstacles to the bringing forward mea sures of concession to the catholic body, whilst in office, have felt it impossible

to continue in administration under the

inability to propose it with the circum stances necessary to carrying the mea sure with all its advantages, aud they have retired from his majesty's service, considering this line of conduct as most likely to contribute to its ultimate success. how much their future hopes must deThe catholic body will, therefore, see pend upon strengthening their cause by good conduct in the mean time; they will prudently consider their prospecis

as arising from the persons who now espouse their interests, and compare them with those which they could look to from any other quarter; they may with confidence rely on the zealous support of all those who retire, and of many who remain in office, when it can be given with a prospect of success. They may be assured, that Mr. PITT will do his utmost to establish their cause

in the public favour, and PREPARE THE WAY for finally attaining their object." These sentiments, although Mr.

Pitt soon after returned to office,

and opposed the consideration of the catholic claims as inconvenient and ill-timed, he never retracted; but always lamented that obstacles not likely to be soon removed prevented the fulfilment of his wishes, to re

their heads, which threaten them with destruction. "Protestant ascendency," let Mr. Oliver Hatch and his compeers say what they please, means nothing more or less, from the quarter it was proposed, than "catholic exclusion," which has been proved to be contrary to the avowed declarations of Mr. Pitt. - That protestants, and especially those of the established church, must be desirous of maintaining a predominancy in the state we may naturally inMr. Pitt, and is now the wish of fer; and that such was the desire of those senators who support the claims of the catholics, there cannot be a doubt. But then, do not their store the catholics to the full enjoy-ty?-And if the enlightened system numbers ensure them this superioriment of the constitution. The line of conduct imposed on the body, to secure the support and aid of Mr. Pitt and his friends, as laid down by the marquis Cornwallis, was, "not to proceed to violence, or entertain any ideas of gaining their object by convulsive measures, or forming as sociations with men of jacobinical principles." These stipulatious have been strictly adhered to on the part of the catholics, and therefore they

have not forfeited their claim to the

countenance and assistance of those countenance and assistance of those who admire and revere the principles of that statesman. Would it

not then be better, I again ask, in these times of disaffection and discontent, when it is found necessary to suspend the Habeas Corpus act in this protestant country, in order to preserve the constitution and the existence of the established religion -would it not be much better for the Pittites to adopt the sentiments of their titulary deity, and secure themselves against the dangers of infidel emissaries, by conciliating and granting freedom to those whose religious principles are opposed to innovating and dangerous doctrines, instead of belching obnoxious toasts, while the cloud is gathering over

ORTHOD. JOUR. Vol. V.

of the protestant creed is so far be yond that professed by the catholic, in purity and excellence, as the adherents to the former would have us believe, is it likely that protestants would be induced to change this evangelical faith for the idolatrous superstitions of Rome, in the event of catholics being admitted to their civic rights? If our ascendencybetray an empty reliance on the men answer in the affirmative, they trines; if in the negative, they shew Pre-eminence of their religious docthemselves to be men of intolerant principles, and the supporters of an and bigotry. exclusive system from self-interest

CATHOLIC ALLEGIANCE AND THE BISHOP OF LANDAFF.-It was my intention to have noticed the speeches of Mr. John Leslie Foster, Mr. Secretary Peel, and the lord bishop of Ossory, which have appeared in separate pamphlets, and will, when bound up together, form a pretty specimen of "No-popery" ingenuity; but the extraordinary declamation against our claims attributed by the daily papers to the right reverend Dr. Marsh, who has

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