leadership of Turnus, who is branded as an avróμolos, desert the alliance. Turnus fights for his lost love, and both he and Latinus die in the battle. The account given by Dionysius tallies on the whole with that attributed by Servius, Aen. 6. 760, to Cato. The Etruscan element in the story, represented by Mezentius, is treated by Virgil quite in a way of his own. For, however they may differ in details, the tradition as given both by Cato and by the authorities whom Dionysius follows represents Mezentius as falling in a war which arose some time after the death of Turnus. Mezentius is indeed an ally of Turnus, but is not killed until after the final settlement of Aeneas in his kingdom; according to Cato, it was by Ascanius, according to Dionysius' authorities, by Aeneas himself, three years after the battle in which Turnus and Latinus were slain. As in the case of Dido, Virgil does violence to the accepted order of events. Turnus must be slain before Aeneas can finally obtain the hand of Lavinia; thus the last half of the Aeneid is provided with its element of romance; and Mezentius falls before Turnus in a war in which both are simultaneously engaged. It is evident that Virgil had a tradition or traditions to work upon, many of the details of which are now lost, but which are most fully preserved by Dionysius. Fragments of them are preserved by Servius on Aen. 7. 51, Amata. . . duos filios voluntate patris Aeneae spondentes sororem factione interemit. . . Hos alii caecatos a matre tradunt, postquam amisso Turno Lavinia Aeneae iuncta est. Does this imply that there was, independently of the Aeneid, a story according to which Turnus died before the marriage of Aeneas with Lavinia? In any case it implies that Amata survived Turnus, and this is different from the account in the Aeneid. Another instance is mentioned by Asper, quoted in the Verona scholia on Aen. 7. 484, Tyrrhum aiunt fuisse pastorem aput quem Lavinia delituit tum cum Ascanium timens fugit in silvas. Hic Latini vilicus dicitur fuisse. Comp. Serv. ad 1. The considerations on which I have been dwelling will be found, I think, to throw some light on the difficulties with which Virgil had to contend. The traditions on which alone he could work had neither form nor life. Aeneas had never, so far as we can see, not even in the Homeric poems, been a hero in the sense in which the word can be used of Achilles, Ulysses, Ajax, or Diomed. Even in Homer the protection of Aphrodite and Apollo hangs heavily around him. In the place where he is worshipped he is a mere name; a shadowy demi-god associated with the worship of Aphrodite. As a founder of cities he has no characteristic to distinguish him from the many fabulous oikioraí of Greek and Italian towns. The Homeric heroes do not found cities, but destroy them; the civilizing and beneficent hero, on whose features Dionysius dwells with pleasure, is the creature, if not of philosophy, at least of a late and reflective stage of mythology. To make out of so shadowy a being as the Aeneas of legend a hero of war and peace, fit to be the founder of an imperial city, was no easy task, especially for a poet who considered it his first duty to construct his epic in words, manner, and arrangement, on the model of the Iliad and Odyssey.-[H. N.] THE AENEID AND THE EPIC CYCLE [From "Suggestions Introductory to a Study of the Aeneid," Clar Press, Oxford, 1875.] As far as we can make out from the very scanty materials existing, Virgil seems to have followed Arctinus more than any of the Cyclic poets. The Aethiopis of that poet contained the of the Amazon Penthesileia's arrival, which doubtless suggest Virgil the introduction of Camilla. See the analysis of Proclu Welcker, Epischer Cyclus 2 p. 521), 'Apalov Пevbeσíλeia mapa Τρωσὶ συμμαχήσουσα, "Αρεως μὲν θυγατὴρ Θρᾷσσα δὲ τὸ γένος. . . . 3 δὲ ὁ Ἠοῖς υἱὸς ἔχων ἡφαιστότευκτον πανοπλίαν παραγίνεται τοῖς Bononov. The last lines (Aen. 1. 489 foll.) of the description picture seen by Aeneas in the temple at Carthage, seem to be densed representation of the subjects treated in the Aethiopis: Eoasque acies et nigri Memnonis arma. Ducit Amazonidum lunatis agmina peltis Penthesilea furens, mediisque in milibus ardet, &c. Dido's question (Aen. 1. 751), “quibus Aurorae venisset filius a doubtless refers to the ἡφαιστότευκτος πανοπλία of Memnon; caniis armis usus fuisse narratur," says Servius on the passage The 'IXíov épois of Arctinus, so far as we can judge from t analysis of Proclus, must have been followed pretty closely main outline by Virgil in the second Aeneid. In his account debate about the wooden horse, Virgil keeps nearer to Arctinu to the Odyssey. Τοῖς μὲν δοκεῖ κατακρημνίσαι αὐτόν, τοῖς δὲ κατα τοῖς δὲ ἱερὸν αὐτὸν ἀνατεθῆναι. The order in which the propos mentioned, is the same as that given in the second Aeneid and the idea, mentioned both by Arctinus and Virgil, of the horse, is an addition to the account given in Homer. The Laocoon, as we have it in the second Aeneid, that of Sinon, a of the murder of Priam by Pyrrhus, at the altar of Zeus "Epket all contained in the 'IMíov épois of Arctinus; and so was that death of Deiphobus at the hand of Menelaus, which would we with the account supposed to be given by the shade of Deiph Aeneas in Aen. 6. 525. If Welcker is right (Ep. Cycl. 2 p. 235) in saying that the works of Arctinus appear to have been the most considerable among the poems of the Trojan cycle, after the Iliad and Odyssey, Virgil may be supposed to have followed him from poetical preference. From the story of the capture of Troy, and the 'Itàs pikpá of Lesches, Virgil does not seem to have borrowed much. Indeed, in details, as far as our evidence goes, he seems to have followed an altogether different tradition from that which Lesches adopted. Lesches represented the murder of Priam as occurring not at the altar of Zeus pretos, but at the door of his palace; he made Aeneas' wife not Creusa, but Eurydice, and he gave Aeneas himself as a captive to Neoptolemus (Welcker 1. c. p. 538). Pausanias (10. 25 foll.) describes some pictures of the night-battle in Troy, painted at Delphi by Polygnotus, who, he thinks, followed the account given by Lesches. The details of these pictures cannot be brought into harmony with Virgil's account of the night-battle in the second Aeneid, nor do the names of the combatants, as a rule, occur in them. The love of Coroebus for Cassandra, is however mentioned (10. 27. 1). Whether, when writing the sixth Aeneid, Virgil was at all influenced by the account of Hades and its terrors, which, according to Pausanias (10. 28. 4), was contained in the Mivvás and the NóσTot, cannot be ascertained.-[H. N.] VOL. II. EVIDENCE FROM ANCIENT WRITERS AS TO THE COMPOSITION OF THE AENEID. Suetonius, "Vita Vergilii." 21. Novissime Aeneidem incohavit, argumentum varium ac multiplex et quasi amborum Homeri carminum instar, praeterea nominibus ac rebus Graecis Latinisque commune, et in quo, quod maxime studebat, Romanae simul urbis et Augusti origo contineretur. 23. Aeneida prosa prius oratione formatam digestamque in XII. libros particulatim componere instituit, prout liberet quidque et nihil in ordinem arripiens. 24. Ac ne quid impetum moraretur, quaedam imperfecta transmisit, alia levissimis versibus veluti fulsit, quos per iocum pro tibicinibus interponi aiebat ad sustinendum opus, donec solidae columnae advenirent. 25. Bucolica triennio, Georgica VII., Aeneida XI. perfecit annis. 30. Aeneidos vixdum coeptae tanta extitit fama ut Sextus Propertius non dubitaverit sic praedicare Cedite, Romani scriptores, cedite, Grai; 31. Augustus vero, nam forte expeditione Cantabrica aberat, supplicibus atque etiam minacibus per iocum litteris efflagitabat ut sibi "de Aeneide," ut ipsius verba sunt, "vel prima carminis vπoypadý vel quodlibet colon mitteretur." Cui,tamen multo post perfectaque demum materia tres omnino libros recitavit, secundum, quartum, et sextum ; 32. sed hunc notabili Octaviae adfectione, quae cum recitationi interesset, ad illos de filio suo versus "Tu Marcellus eris" defecisse fertur atque aegre focilata est. 34. Erotem librarium eius exactae iam senectutis tradunt referre solitum quondam eum in recitando duos dimidiatos versus complesse ex tempore. Nam cum hactenus haberet "Misenum Aeoliden," adiecisse "quo non praestantior alter," item huic "Aere ciere viros," simili calore iactatum subiunxisse" Martemque accendere cantu," statimque sibi imperasse ut utrumque volumini adscriberet. 35. Anno aetatis quinquagesimo secundo impositurus Aeneidi summam manum statuit in Graeciam et in Asiam secedere, |