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violence of his prejudices. "In sum, he was the Proteus of the times, a mere hotch-potch of religion, chief ringleader of all the frantic sectarians, of a turbulent spirit and working brain, of a strong composition of choler and melancholy, an inventor not only of whimseys in religion, but also of crotchets in the state (as his several models testify), and composed only of treason, ingratitude, and baseness."

The above is hardly an unfair specimen of the spirit and manner, in which the great republicans of that day were treated after the restoration of the monarchy, and have since been regarded by persons who, as is the case with too many, have received their impressions from writers whose political feelings were in harmony with those of Anthony Wood.

I will now quote Clarendon's description; and when the reader considers, that the noble author was a zealous opponent of Vane's principles and party through life, and, during a large part of it, in strenuous personal collision with both the father and son, he will be able to make the proper allowance. Speaking of the younger Vane, Clarendon says,

"He was indeed a man of extraordinary parts, a pleasant wit, a great understanding, which pierced into and discerned the purposes of other men with wonderful sagacity, whilst he had him

self vultum clausum; that no man could make a guess of what he intended. He was of a temper not to be moved, and of rare dissimulation, and could comply when it was not seasonable to contradict, without losing ground by the condescension; and if he were not superior to Mr. Hampden, he was inferior to no other man, in all mysterious artifices." Clarendon also informs us that his personal appearance was remarkable, impressing all who looked upon him with the conviction that he was an "extraordinary man."

I will next quote the account given of him by an eminent political associate and friend, the gallant General Ludlow.

"In the beginning of the great Parliament, he was elected to serve his country among them, without the least application on his part to that end. And in this station, he soon made appear how capable he was of managing great affairs, possessing, in the highest perfection, a quick and ready apprehension, a strong and tenacious memory, a profound and penetrating judgment, a just and noble eloquence, with an easy and graceful manner of speaking. To these were added a singular zeal and affection for the good of the commonwealth, and a resolution and courage not to be shaken or diverted from the public service." The following sentiments from Henry Hallam, the author of the "Constitutional History of

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England," one of the most valuable works in the language, will show that just ideas are beginning to prevail, even among writers who do not sympathize with such men as Vane, either in politics or religion.

"The royalists have spoken of Vane with extreme dislike; yet it should be remembered, that he was not only incorrupt, but disinterested, inflexible in conforming his public conduct to his principles, and averse to every sanguinary and oppressive measure; qualities not very common in revolutionary chiefs."

In illustration of his disinterestedness Hallam refers to his having relinquished all the emoluments of his office as Treasurer of the Navy, at a time when it would have yielded him thirty thousand pounds sterling a year.

After having thus heard the opinions of friends and foes, the reader will be better prepared to form his own conclusions respecting the character of the remarkable man whose history, as an English statesman and patriot, I now proceed to relate.

CHAPTER VIII.

Strafford's Impeachment. Mr. Pym. - Privy Counsellors first put upon Oath. - Testimony of the elder Vane. - Alienation between the Father and Son.-Strafford condemned.— His Character.

SIR HENRY VANE, the younger, first made himself particularly prominent in the movements of the party, which was gradually preparing to overthrow the monarchy, at the trial of the Earl of Strafford. As this trial involved him in an embarrassing and very disagreeable collision with his own father, as his conduct in relation to it has been much misrepresented by the historians, and especially as it is, in itself, one of the most curious and interesting passages of English history, it will be proper to relate it at considerable length.

The actual administration of the executive department of the British government was, in those days, conducted by what is called "His Majesty's Privy Council." In the recess of Parliament this body was intrusted with the whole burden of affairs. Whenever a person was admitted to the Council, before taking his seat, he was re

quired to make oath that he would "keep secret all matters committed and revealed" to him, that should "be treated of in Council."

Lord Strafford, by his haughtiness, violence of temper, arbitrary deportment, tyrannical proceedings, and high-toned principles of government, had made innumerable enemies; and the time was evidently nigh at hand when he was to experience the weight of their anger and vengeance. His impeachment and punishment were accordingly resolved on, and the necessary measures were taken to bring him to trial. The design was accomplished under the following circumstances.

The Long Parliament, as has already been stated, commenced its session on the 3d of November, 1640. On the very first day, when it was in order to proceed to such business, Mr. Pym, the most experienced member of the House, and one of the ablest men that ever held a seat in it, rose in his place, and entered into a particular enumeration of the troubles of the kingdom. His speech was constructed and arranged with consummate ability and art. After enlarging upon the public grievances, he carefully exonerated the King of the blame, and threw it upon his advisers, speaking of the acts of maladministration in the following words; "as done and contrived maliciously, and upon deliberation, to change the whole frame of the government, and

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