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has exerted incredible industry to defend. The he was pleased to call his religion, and the Scottish records for that period have perished; state of his connections with France. After and for this reason, and because a collection the furious attack which Mr. Rose has made of pamphlets and newspapers of that age, in in another place upon this prince and his Mr. Rose's possession, make no mention of the French connections, it is rather surprising to circumstance, he thinks fit to discredit it alto- see with what zeal he undertakes his defence gether. If this kind of scepticism were to be against this very venial sort of treachery, of indulged, there would be an end of all reliance concealing his shame from some of his more on history. In this particular case, both Bur- respectable ministers. The attempt, however, net and Baillie speak quite positively, from is at least as unsuccessful as it is unaccountthe information of contemporaries; and state a able. Mr. Fox says only, that some of the circumstance that would very well account ministers were not trusted with the secret; for the silence of the formal accounts of the and both Dalrymple and Macpherson say, that tria, if any such had been preserved, viz., that none but the Catholic counsellors were admitMonk's letters were not produced till after the ted to this confidence. Mr. Rose mutters, that evidence was finished on both sides, and the there is no evidence of this; and himself prodebate begun on the result; an irregularity, duces an abstract of the secret treaty between by the way, by much tco gross to have been Lewis and Charles, of May, 1670, to which the charged against a public proceeding without subscriptions of four Catholic ministers of the any foundation. latter are affixed!

Mr. Rose's next observation is directed rather against Judge Blackstone than against Mr. Fox; and is meant to show, that this learned person was guilty of great inaccuracy in representing the year 1679 as the era of good laws and bad government. It is quite impossible to follow him through the dull details and feeble disputations by which he labours, to make it appear that our laws were not very good in 1679, and that they, as well as the administration of them, were much mended after the Revolution. Mr. Fox's, or rather Blackstone's remark is too obviously and strikingly true in substance, to admit of any argument or illustration.*

The next charge against Mr. Fox is for saying, that if Charles II.'s ministers betrayed him, he betrayed them in return; keeping, from some of them at least, the secret of what

Mr. Fox is next taxed with great negligence for saying, that he does not know what proof there is of Clarendon's being privy to Charles receiving money from France; and very long quotations are inserted from the correspondence printed by Dalrymple and Macpherson-which do not prove Clarendon's knowledge of any money being received, though they do seem to establish that he must have known of its being stipulated for.

After this comes Mr. Rose's grand attack; in which he charges the historian with his whole heavy artillery of argument and quotation, and makes a vigorous effort to drive him from the position, that the early and primary object of James's reign was not to establish popery in this country, but in the first place to render himself absolute: and that, for a considerable time, he does not appear to have aimed at any thing more than a complete tole Mr. Rose talks a great deal, and justly, about the ration for his own religion. The grounds advantages of the judges not being removable at plea- upon which this opinion is maintained by Mr. sure; and, with a great air of erudition, informs us, that after 6 Charles, all the commissions were made Fox are certainly very probable. There is, in quamdiu nebis placuerit. Mr. Rose's researches, we fear, the first place, his zeal for the Church of Engdo not often go beyond the records in his custody. If he land during his brother's life, and the violent had looked into Rushworth's Collection, he would have found, that, in 1641, King Charles agreed to make the oppressions by which he enforced a Protestant commission, quamdiu se bene gesserint; and that some test in Scotland; secondly, the fact of his carryof those illegally removed in the following reign, though not officiating in court, still retained certain functions in ing on the government and the persecution of consequence of that appointment. The following is the nonconformist's by Protestant ministers; and, passage, at p. 1265, vol. iii. of Rushworth: "After the thirdly, his addresses to his Parliament, and passing of these votes (16th December, 1640) against the judges, and transmitting them to the House of Peers, the tenour of much of his correspondence with and their concurring with the House of Commons therein, Lewis. In opposition to this, Mr. Rose quotes an address was made unto the king shortly after, that his majesty, for the future, would not make any judge an infinite variety of passages from Barillon's by patent during pleasure; but that they may hold their correspondence, to show in general the unplaces hereafter, quamdiu se bene gesserint; and his ma- feigned zeal of this unfortunate prince for his jesty did really grant the same. And in his speech to both houses of Parliament, at the time of giving his religion, and his constant desire to glorify and royal assent to two bills, one to take away the High advance it. Now, it is perfectly obvious, in Commission Court, and the other the Court of Star- the first place, that Mr. Fox never intended to Chamber, and regulating the power of the council table, he hath this passage; If you consider what I have dispute James's zeal for popery; and, in the done this Parliament, discontents will not sit in your second place, it is very remarkable, that in the hearts; for I hope you remember, that I have granted, first seven passages quoted by Mr. Rose, nothing that the judges hereafter shall hold their places quamdiu more is said to be in the king's contemplation se bene gesserint.' And likewise, his gracious majesty King Charles the Second observed the same rule and than the complete toleration of that religion. method in granting patents to judges, quamdiu se bene "The free exercise of the Catholic religion in gesserint; as appears upon record in the Rolls; viz., to Sergeant Slide to be Lord Chief Justice of the King's their own houses,"-the abolition of the penal Bench. Sir Orlando Bridgeman to be Lord Chief Baron, laws against Catholics," the free exercise and afterwards to be Lord Chief Justice of Common of that religion," &c. &c., are the only objects Archer, now living, notwithstanding his removal, still en- to which the zeal of the king is said to be joys his patent, being quamdiu se bene gesserint; and re-directed; and it is not till after the suppression teives a share in the profits of the court, as to fees and of Monmouth's rebellion, that these phrases other proceedings, by virtue of his said patent: and his

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Pleas; to Sir Robert Forster, and others. Mr. Sergeant

hame is used in those fines, &c., as a judge of that court." are exchanged for "a resolution to establish the

Catholic religion," or "to get that religion estabished;" though it would be fair, perhaps, to interpret some even of these phrases with reference to those which precede them in the correspondence; especially as, in a letter from Lewis to Barillon, so late as 20th August, 1685, he merely urges the great expediency of James establishing "the free exercise" of that religion.

After all, in reality, there is not much substantial difference as to this point between the historian and his observer. Mr. Fox admits most explicitly, that James was zealous in the cause of popery; and that after Monmouth's execution, he made attempts equally violent and undisguised to restore it. Mr. Rose, on the other hand, admits that he was exceedingly desirous to render himself absolute; and that one ground of his attachment to popery probably was, its natural affinity with an arbitrary government. Upon which of these two objects he set the chief value, and which of .hem he wished to make subservient to the other, it is not perhaps now very easy to determine. In addition to the authorities referred to by Mr. Fox, however, there are many more which tend directly to show that one great ground of his antipathy to the reformed religion was, his conviction that it led to rebellion and republicanism. There are very many passages in Barillon to this effect; and, indeed, the burden of all Lewis's letters is to convince James that "the existence of monarchy" in England depended on the protection of the Catholics. Barillon says (Fox, App. p. 125), that "the king often declares publicly, that all Calvinists are naturally enemies to royalty, and above all, to royalty in England." And Burnet observes (vol. i. p. 73), that the king told him, "that among other prejudices he had against the Protestant religion, this was one, that his brother and himself being in many companies in Paris incognito (during the Commonwealth), where there were Protestants, he found they were all alienated from them, and great admirers of Cromwell; so he believed they were all rebels in their hearts." It will not be forgotten either, that in his first address to the council, on his accession, he made use of those memorable words:"I know the principles of the Church of England are for monarchy, and therefore I shall always take care to defend and support it." While he retained this opinion of its loyalty, accordingly, he did defend and support it; and did persecute all dissidents from its doctrine, at least as violently as he afterwards did those who opposed popery. It was only when he found that the orthodox doctrines of non-resistance and jus divinum would not go all lengths, and that even the bishops would not send his proclamation to their clergy, that he came to class them with the rest of the heretics, and to rely entirely upon the slavish votaries of the Roman superstition.

The next set of remarks is introduced for the purpose of showing that Mr. Fox has gone rather too far, in stating that the object both of Charles and James in taking money from Lewis was to render themselves independent

of Parliament, and to enable them to govern without those assemblies. Mr. Rose admits that this was the point which both monarchs were desirous of attaining; and merely says. that it does not appear that either of them ex pected that the calling of Parliaments coula be entirely dispensed with. There certainly is not here any worthy subject of contention.

The next point is, as to the sums of money which Barillon says he distributed to the whig leaders, as well as to the king's ministers. Mr. Rose is very liberal and rational on this subject; and thinks it not unfair to doubt the accuracy of the account which this minister renders of his disbursements. He even quotes two passages from Mad. de Sevigné, to show that it was the general opinion that he had enriched himself greatly by his mission to England. In a letter written during the continuance of that mission, she says, "Barillon s'en va, &c.; son emploi est admirable cette année; il mangera cinquante mille francs; mais il sait bien où les prendre." And after his final return, she says he is old and rich, and looks without envy on the brilliant situation of M D'Avaus. The only inference he draws from the discussion is, that it should have a little shaken Mr. Fox's confidence in his accuracy. The answer to which obviously is, that his mere dishonesty, where his private interest was concerned, can afford no reason for doubting his accuracy where it was not affected.

In the concluding section of his remarks, Mr. Rose resumes his eulogium on Sir Patrick Hume,-introduces a splendid encomium on the Marquis of Montrose,-brings authority to show that torture was used to extort confession in Scotland even after the Revolution,--and then breaks out into a high tory rant against Mr. Fox, for supposing that the councillors who condemned Argyle might not be very easy in their consciences, and for calling those who were hunting down that nobleman's dispersed followers "authorized assassins." James, he says, was their lawful sovereign; and the parties in question having been in open rebellion, it was the evident duty of all who had not joined with them to suppress them. We are not very fond of arguing general points of this nature; and the question here is fortunately special and simple. If the tyranny and oppression of James in Scotlandthe unheard-of enormity of which Mr. Rose owns that Mr. Fox has understated-had already given that country a far juster title to renounce him than England had in 1688; then James was not "their lawful sovereign" in any sense in which that phrase can be understood by a free people; and those whose cowardice or despair made them submit to be the instruments of the tyrant's vengeance on one who had armed for their deliverance, may very innocently be presumed to have suffered some remorse for their compliance. With regard, again, to the phrase of "authorized assassins," it is plain, from the context of Mr. Fox, thai it is not applied to the regular forces acting against the remains of Argyle's armed follow ers, but to those individuals, whether military or not, who pursued the disarmed and soli tarv fugitives, for the purpose of butchering

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them in cold blood, in their caverns and mountains.

Such is the substance of Mr. Rose's observations; which certainly do not appear to us of any considerable value-though they indicate, throughout, a laudable industry, and a still more laudable consciousness of inferiority, together with (what we are determned to believe) a natural disposition to liberality and moderation, counteracted by the littleness of party jealousy and resentment. We had noted a great number of petty misrepresentations and small inaccuracies; but in a work which is not likely either to be much read, or long remembered, these things are not worth the trouble of correction.

Though the book itself is very dull, however, we must say that the Appendix is very entertaining. Sir Patrick's narrative is clear and spirited; but what delights us far more, is another and more domestic and miscellaneous narrative of the adventures of his family, from the period of Argyle's discomfiture till their return in the train of King William. This is from the hand of Lady Murray, Sir Patrick's grand-daughter; and is mostly furnished from the information of her mother, his favourite and exemplary daughter. There is an air of cheerful magnanimity and artless goodness about this little history, which is extremely engaging and a variety of traits of Scottish simplicity and homeliness of character, which recommend it, in a peculiar manner, to our national feelings. Although we have already enlarged this article beyond its proper limits, we must give our readers a few specimens of this singular chronicle.

After Sir Patrick's escape, he made his way to his own castle, and was concealed for some time in a vault under the church, where his daughter, then a girl under twenty, went alone, every night, with an heroic fortitude, to comfort and feed him. The gaiety, however, which lightened this perilous intercourse, is to us still more admirable than its heroism.

"She went every night by herself, at midnight, to carry him victuals and drink; and stayed with him as long as she could to get home before day. In all this time, my grandfather showed the same constant composure, and cheerfulness of mind, that he continued to possess to his death, which was at the age of eighty-four; all which good qualities she inherited from him in a high degree. Often did they laugh heartily in that doleful habitation, at different accidents that happened. She at that time had a terror for a churchyard, especially in the dark, as is not uncommon at her age, by idle nursery stories; but when engaged by concern for her father, she stumbled over the graves every night alone, without fear of any kind entering her thoughts, but for soldiers and parties in search of him, which the least noise or motion of a leaf put her in terror for. The minister's house was near the church. The first night she went, his dogs kept such a barking as put her in the utmost fear of a distovery. My grandmother sent for the minister next day, and, upon pretence of a mad dog, got him to hang all his dogs. There was also Jifficulty of getting victuals to carry him, with

out the servants suspecting: the only way it was done, was by stealing it off her plate at dinner, into her lap. Many a diverting story she has told about this, and other things of the like nature. Her father liked sheep's head; and, while the children were eating their broth, she had conveyed most of one into her lap. When her brother Sandy (the late Lord March mont) had done, he looked up with astonishment and said, 'Mother, will you look at Grizzel; while we have been eating our troth, she has eat up the whole sheep's head. This occasioned so much mirth among them, that her father, at night, was greatly entertained by it; and desired Sandy might have a share in the next."App. p. [v.]

They then tried to secrete him in a low com in his own house; and, for this purpose, to contrive a bed concealed under the floor, which this affectionate and light-hearted girl secretly excavated herself, by scratching up the earth with her nails, "till she left not a nail on her fingers," and carrying it into the garden at night in bags. At last, however, they all got over to Holland, where they seem to have lived in great poverty,-but in the same style of magnanimous gaiety and cordial affection, of which some instances have been recited. This admirable young woman, who lived afterwards with the same simplicity of character in the first society in England, seems to have exerted herself in a way that nothing but affection could have rendered tolerable, even to one bred up to drudgery.

"All the time they were there" (says his daughter), "there was not a week my mother that was necessary. did not sit up two nights, to do the business She went to market; went to the mill to have their corn ground, which, it seems, is the way with good managers there; dressed the linen; cleaned the house; made ready dinner; mended the children's stockings, and other clothes; made what she could for them; and, in short, did every thing. Her sister Christian, who was a year or two younger, diverted her father and mother, and the rest, who were fond of music. Out of their small income they bought a harpsichord for little money (but is a Rucar*), now in my custody, and most valuable. My aunt played and sung well, and had a great deal of life and humour, but no turn to business. Though my mother had the same qualifications, and liked it as well as she did, she was forced to drudge; and many jokes used to pass betwixt the sisters about their different occupations.”—p. [ix.]

"Her brother soon afterwards entered into

the Prince of Orange's guards: and her con stant attention was to have him appear right in his linen and dress. They wore little point cravats and cuffs, which many a night she sat up to have in as good order for him as any in the place; and one of their greatest expenses' was in dressing him as he ought to be. As banished people like themselves, they seldom their house was always full of the unfortunate of them, to share with them; and inany a hunwent to dinner, without three, or four, or five dred times I have heard her say, she could

* An eminent maker of that ti ne.

never look back upon their manner of living
there, without thinking it a miracle. They had
no want, but plenty of every thing they desired,
and much contentment; and always declared
it the most pleasing part of her life, though
they were not without their little distresses;
but to them they were rather jokes than grievances.
The professors, and men of learning in the
place, came often to see my grandfather. The
best entertainment he could give them was a
glass of alabast beer, which was a better kind
of ale than common. He sent his son An-
drew, the late Lord Kimmerghame, a boy, to
draw some for them in the cellar: he brought
it up with great diligence; but in the other
hand the spigot of the barrel. My grandfather
said, 'Andrew, what is that in your hand?'
When he saw it he run down with speed; but
the beer was all run out before he got there.
This occasioned much mirth; though, perhaps,
they did not well know where to get more."
pp. [x. xi.]

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Sir Patrick, we are glad to hear, retained this kindly cheerfulness of character to the last; and, after he was an earl and chancellor of Scotland, and unable to stir with gout, had himself carried to the room where his childrer and grandchildren were dancing, and insisted on beating time with his foot. Nay, when dying at the advanced age of eighty-four, he could not resist his old propensity to joking, but uttered various pleasantries on the disappointment the worms would meet with, when, after boring through his thick coffin, they would find little but bones.

There is, in the Appendix, besides these narrations, a fierce attack upon Burnet, which is full of inaccuracies and ill temper; and some interesting particulars of Monmouth's imprisonment and execution. We dare say Mr. Rose could publish a volume or two of very interesting tracts; and can venture to predict that his collections will be much more popular than his observations.

DISTURBANCES AT MADRAS.*

[EDINBURGH REVIEW, 1810.]

might have been effectually prevented.

In the year 1802, a certain monthly allowance, proportioned to their respective ranks, was given to each officer of the coast army, to enable him to provide himself with camp equipage; and a monthly allowance was also made to the commanding officers of the native corps, for the provision of the camp equipage of these corps. This arrangement was commonly called the tent contract. Its intention (as the pamphlet of Sir George Barlow's agent very properly states) was to combine facility of movement in military operations with views of economy. In the general revision of its establishments, set on foot for the purposes of economy by the Madras government, this contract was considered as entailing upon them a very unnecessary expense; and the then commander-in-chief, General Craddock, directed Colonel Munro, the quartermaster-general, to make a report to him upon the subject. The report, which was published almost as soon as it was made up, recommends the abolition of this contract; and, among other passages for the support of this opinion, has the following one :

THE disturbances which have lately taken | sant occurrence which has happened in India place in our East Indian possessions, would, at any period, have excited a considerable degree of alarm; and those feelings are, of course, not a little increased by the ruinous aspect of our European affairs. The revolt of an army of eighty thousand men is an event which seems to threaten so nearly the ruin of the country in which it happens, that no common curiosity is excited as to the causes which could have led to it, and the means by which its danger was averted. On these points, we shall endeavour to exhibit to our readers the information afforded to us by the pamphlets whose titles we have cited. The first of these is understood to be written by an agent of Sir George Barlow, sent over for the express purpose of defending his measures; the second is most probably the production of some one of the dismissed officers, or, at least, founded upon their representations; the third statement is by Mr. Petrie, and we most cordially recommend it to the perusal of our readers. It is characterized, throughout, by moderation, good sense, and a feeling of duty. We have seldom read a narrative, which, on the first face of it, looked so much like truth. It has, of course, produced the ruin and dismissal of this gentleman, though we have not the shadow of doubt, that if his advice had been followed, every unplea

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"Six years' experience of the practical effects of the existing system of the camp equipage equipment of the native army, has afforded means of forming a judgment relative to its advantages and efficiency which were not possessed by the persons who proposed its introduction; and an attentive examination of its operations during that period of time has suggested the following observations regarding it :-"

After stating that the contract is needlessly

expensive that it subjects the Company to the same charges for troops in garrison as for those in the field-the report proceeds to state the following observation, made on the authority of six years' experience and attentive examina

tion.

"Thirdly. By granting the same allowances in peace and war for the equipment of native corps, while the expenses incidental to that charge are unavoidably much greater in war than peace, it places the interest and duty of officers commanding native corps in direct opposition to one another. It makes it their interest that their corps should not be in a state of efficiency fit for field service, and therefore furnishes strong inducements to neglect their most important duties."-Accurate and Authentic Narrative, pp. 117, 118.

it was certainly indiscreet to give such reasons for it. If any individual had abused the advantages of the tent-contract, he might have been brought to a court-martial; and, if his guilt had been established, his punishment, we will venture to assert, would not have occasioned a moment of complaint or disaffection in the army; but that a civilian, a gentleman accustomed only to the details of commerce, should begin his government, over a settlement with which he was utterly unacquainted, by telling one of the bravest set of officers in the world, that, for six years past, they had been, in the basest manner, sacrificing their duty to their interest, does appear to us an instance of indiscretion which, if frequently repeated, would soon supersede the necessity

of

whole seems to have depended upon the report of Colonel Munro, the youngest staffofficer of the army, published in spite of the earnest remonstrance of Colonel Capper, the adjutant-general, and before three days had been given him to substitute his own plan. which Sir George Barlow had promised to read before the publication of Colonel Munro's report. Nay, this great plan of reduction was never even submitted to the military board, by whom all subjects of that description were, according to the orders of the court of directors, and the usage of the service, to be discussed and digested, previous to their coming before government.

any further discussion upon Indian affairs. The whole transaction, indeed, appears to Here, then, is not only a proposal for re- have been gone into with a disregard to the ducing the emoluments of the principal offi- common professional feelings of an army, cers of the Madras army, but a charge of the which is to us utterly inexplicable. The most flagrant nature. The first they might opinion of the commander-in-chief, General possibly have had some right to consider as a Macdowall, was never asked upon the subhardship; but, when severe and unjust invec-ject; not a single witness was examined; the tive was superadded to strict retrenchmentwhen their pay and their reputation were diminished at the same time-it cannot be considered as surprising, that such treatment, on the part of the government, should lay the foundation for a spirit of discontent in those troops who had recently made such splendid additions to the Indian empire, and established, in the progress of these acquisitions, so high a character for discipline and courage. It must be remembered, that an officer on European and one on Indian service are in very different situations, and propose to themselves very different objects. The one never thinks of making a fortune by his profession, while the hope of ultimately gaining an inde- Shortly after the promulgation of this very pendence is the principal motive for which indiscreet paper, the commander-in-chief, Gehe Indian officer banishes himself from his neral Macdowall, received letters from almost country. To diminish the emoluments of his all the officers commanding native corps, profession is to retard the period of his return, representing, in terms adapted to the feelings and to frustrate the purpose for which he ex- of each, the stigma which was considered to poses his life and health in a burning climate, attach to them individually, and appealing to on the other side of the world. We make the authority of the commander-in-chief for these observations, certainly. without any idea redress against such charges, and to his perof denying the right of the East India Com-sonal experience for their falseh od. To these pany to make any retrenchments they may letters the general replied, that the orders in think proper, but to show that it is a right question had been prepared without any referwhich ought to be exercised with great deli-ence to his opinion, and that. as the matter was cacy and with sound discretion-that it should so far advanced, he deemed inexpedient to only be exercised when the retrenchment is of interfere. The officers commanding corps, real importance-and above all, that it should always be accompanied with every mark of suavity and conciliation. Sir George Barlow, on the contrary, committed the singular imprudence of stigmatizing the honour, and wounding the feelings of the Indian officers. At the same moment that he diminishes their emoluments he tells them, that the India Company take away their allowances for tents, because those allowances have been abused in the meanest, most profligate, and most unsoldier-like manner; for this and more than this is conveyed in the report of Colonel Munro, published by order of Sir George Barlow. If it was right, in the first instance, to diminish the emoluments of so vast an army,

finding that no steps were taken to remove the obnoxious insinuations, and considering that, while they remained, an indelible disgrace was cast upon their characters, prepared charges against Colonel Munro. These charges were forwarded to General Macdowall, referred by him to the judge advocate genera', and returned, with his objections to them, to the officers who had preferred the charges. For two months after this period, General Macdowall appears to have remained in a state of uncertainty, as to whether he would or would not bring Colonel Munro to a court-martial upon the charges preferred against him by the commanders of corps. At last, urged by the discontents of the army, he determined in the

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